Busybody
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- Jan 23, 2011
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show us the DEMOZ used
Im sure they were SKEWED, as usual
I'll wait![]()
still waiting
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show us the DEMOZ used
Im sure they were SKEWED, as usual
I'll wait![]()
...and sadly the democrats have NEVER been willing to put the needs of their country above their own needs....
.....they just steal the things they want from others who have more!
So when Democrats created Medicare and Social Security they were putting their own needs over the country? Even though the people who actively use these programs are overwhelmingly Republicans?
You're talking silly again.
The court isn't there to do what's right, they're there to do what's legal. I still think they came to the wrong conclusion and maybe I'll read the entire decision. Near as I can tell at present is that the court decided it's not fair toe assume that the south is filled with racists who'll jump at the first opportunity to fuck over minorities. We have to wait until it happens (again) and then bring up the case.
Which to me suggests one of two things, either this was always Unconstitional and they just let it fly for decades or there is nothing wrong (legally) with it and it should have been left alone until/unless Congress.
Chief Justice Roberts' Long War Against the Voting Rights Act
Roberts has been a critic of the Voting Rights Act for 30 years. Now he will help decide whether the law's most important section lives or dies.
—By Adam Serwer| Wed Feb. 27, 2013 4:01 AM PST
When he was in his late 20s, John Roberts was a foot soldier in the Reagan administration's crusade against the Voting Rights Act. Now, as chief justice of the Supreme Court, he will help determine whether a key part of the law survives a constitutional challenge.
Memos that Roberts wrote as a lawyer in President Reagan's Justice Department during the 1980s show that he was deeply involved in efforts to curtail the effectiveness of the Voting Rights Act, the hard-won landmark 1965 law that is intended to ensure all Americans can vote. Roberts' anti-VRA efforts during the 1980s ultimately failed. But on Wednesday, when the Supreme Court hears oral arguments in Shelby County v. Holder, he'll get another chance to gut the law. Roberts' history suggests a crucial part of the VRA may not survive the rematch.
At issue in Shelby County is whether a major portion of the Voting Rights Act, called Section 5, is constitutional. Section 5 compels jurisdictions with a history of discrimination, mostly in the South, to ask the Justice Department for permission—preclearance, in legalese—before making any changes to election laws. Shelby County, Alabama, is arguing that Section 5 is an extreme measure that is no longer justified because racism is no longer the problem it once was. If Section 5 is overturned, voting rights groups say, the federal government's ability to ensure Americans are not denied the right to vote on the basis of race—at a time when race has been used as a proxy for party identification—will be severely weakened.
Shelby County offers Roberts an opportunity to complete a mission he began three decades ago. When the chief justice was a young lawyer, in 1981, Southern legislators hoped an ascendant conservative movement could pressure Reagan into opposing an extension of the VRA. In June of that year, Reagan wrote a letter to Attorney General William French Smith requesting an "assessment" of the law. "I am sensitive to the controversy which has attached itself to some of the Act's provisions, in particular those provisions which impose burdens unequally upon different parts of the nation," Reagan wrote. "But I am sensitive also to the fact that the spirit of the Act marks this nation's commitment to full equality for all Americans, regardless of race, color, or national origin." Reagan didn't go as far as former segregationist and then-Sen. Strom Thurmond (R-S.C.) by opposing the Voting Rights Act in its entirety, but his administration fought efforts to strengthen the law.
Roberts was a major player in the Reagan administration's VRA policy, drafting numerous op-eds and memos for top Justice Department officials that argued for a weaker version of the law. At the time, crucial parts of the VRA were due to expire, but congressional Democrats and moderate Republicans weren't just trying to renew the law—they were also trying to strengthen the law. After the VRA was enacted, it was interpreted as barring all discriminatory voting practices. In 1980, however, the Supreme Court, in a case involving the election rules in Mobile, Alabama, weakened the law by ruling that, except in those jurisdictions with a sordid history of blocking minority voters, the VRA only forbade intentional discrimination. Civil rights activists wanted to fix that by modifying the law to make it crystal clear that all discrimination in voting practices, not just intentional discrimination, was illegal.
Roberts wasn't having it. Voting rights violations, according to one memo he helped draft in 1981, "should not be too easy to prove since they provide a basis for the most intrusive interference imaginable." If Roberts and the Reagan administration had gotten their way, discriminatory voting systems in most of the country could only be barred when discrimination could be shown to be intentional. That would make it much tougher for the feds to intervene in states and localities and guarantee equal voting rights. The Reagan administration argued that they were just trying to preserve the Voting Rights Act, but it was really attempting to preserve a Supreme Court ruling neutering the law.
Roberts helped the administration hone its argument. He wrote that it made sense for parts of the VRA to require proof that discrimination was intentional. "Broad aspects of criminal law and tort law typically require proof of intent," Roberts wrote in a draft op-ed in 1981. Allowing the VRA to apply in cases of unintentional discrimination all over the country and not just those places with a history of disenfranchising minorities, Roberts insisted, "would raise grave constitutional questions." In the case of Mobile, the Justice Department's voting rights attorneys eventually did prove the discrimination was intentional—by heading to Alabama and poring over the historical record to establish the election law had been passed deliberately to disenfranchise blacks.
To Roberts, that demonstrated there was no problem with requiring the government to prove that discrimination was intentional. "John Roberts and others used that case to say anyone who wants to prove intent could do it," explains Gerry Hebert, an attorney now with the Campaign Legal Center who was part of the Justice Department team that went to Alabama. But proving intent "took enormous resources that only the Justice Department could have." More important, says Hebert, having to prove "intent" placed voting rights attorneys in a difficult position: "You basically have to get judges to call local or state officials racist."
Despite the best efforts of Roberts and others in the Reagan Justice Department, civil rights activists outmaneuvered Southern conservatives and the Reagan White House, forging large bipartisan alliances in the House and Senate to reauthorize the Voting Rights Act in 1982. And they strengthened the law, amending it to explicitly ban all discriminatory voting rules across the country, whether the discrimination is intentional or not.
Civil rights leaders and Voting Rights Act supporters in Congress had succeeded by embracing an idea that they had initially opposed—and that Roberts and the Reagan administration supported. It was called the bailout provision, and it provided a way for jurisdictions with a history of discrimination to prove they no longer needed close Justice Department supervision under Section 5. By accepting this compromise, VRA backers won the overall political battle.
Now, VRA defenders are hoping that it's Roberts who is in a conciliatory mood and not set on eviscerating the law as the Reaganites wanted to do three decades ago. Is there reason for such hope? Roberts' defenders have long argued that his Justice Department writings merely show that he was being a good soldier when he was in the Reagan administration. "The defense was that Roberts was just a government lawyer taking the position of his boss," explains Rick Hasen, a professor at the University of California-Irvine School of Law who wrote about the memos during Roberts' 2005 confirmation hearings.
But in 2009, when an earlier challenge to Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act reached the Supreme Court, Roberts sounded a lot like Reagan during oral arguments. He echoed the late president's view that Section 5 represented an unconscionable punishment for the South's past sins. "Congress can impose this disparate treatment forever because of the history in the South?" Roberts asked the government attorney defending the law.
In his subsequent opinion in the 2009 VRA case, in which the court seemed close to striking down Section 5, Roberts wrote that the government had made the bailout provision "all but a nullity." In the three years since that verdict, however, more than 100 jurisdictions have been allowed to bail out of Section 5—more than twice as many in the nearly three decades before. It's not even that expensive to bail out; the usual cost is $5,000. The reason Shelby County hasn't been able to take advantage of the bailout provision is that in 2006, county election officials redistricted the only black city council member in one of the county's towns out of a job.
Roberts and conservative opponents of a strong Voting Rights Act may have lost in 1982, but in 2012, they're poised for a victory: The Supreme Court appears ready to strike down Section 5. Defending Reagan's support for the bailout provision in 1982, Roberts wrote that bailout rules "should be addressed by Congress, and not pushed into the courts." Roberts was arguing that elected officials, not judges, should make the rules governing when jurisdictions like Shelby County should be able to escape Section 5.
Has he changed his mind?
Even though the people who actively use these programs are overwhelmingly Republicans?
You're talking silly again.
So when Democrats created Medicare and Social Security they were putting their own needs over the country? Even though the people who actively use these programs are overwhelmingly Republicans?
You're talking silly again.
And C.J. Roberts, BTW, has been fighting the VRA for decades.
LOL.....funny how those states, Florida and Ohio, in particular are always the states that are the "swing" states.
I would just bet that if left to a free and honest election, that would not be considered "swing" any longer.
Perhaps those states are problems because the Democrats do not have the control they think they have.....and HAVE to cheat to win them.
Link
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Do you really (and I mean not looking through your Obama-colored glasses) think that Social Security and Medicare were meant to be in place forever?
I believe, at some point, those who created and supported it thought these people would be able to stand on their own two feet eventually. Instead, it became a crutch to live off of others.
Do you really (and I mean not looking through your Obama-colored glasses) think that Social Security and Medicare were meant to be in place forever?
I believe, at some point, those who created and supported it thought these people would be able to stand on their own two feet eventually. Instead, it became a crutch to live off of others.
You want a link showing that voters over 65 vote Republican?
is THAT what I asked for......based on what YOU said?
you said, So when Democrats created Medicare and Social Security they were putting their own needs over the country? Even though the people who actively use these programs are overwhelmingly Republicans?
LINK PLEASE
But you knew that!......unless you are a complete FOOL!
I also want answers to THIS
are you gonna give us the BREAKDOWN on the poll to see if (as Im sure we all know) is skewed?
and
will you acknowledge that question is misleading?
tell us
WE
WILL
W
A
I
T![]()
Here's the thing about the Republican voter suppression stuff. It's going to backfire on the GOP and bite them in the ass big time. It's really pissing off the Black community; this one issue is enough to completely negate any "tent widening" the Republican Party is trying to do after their loss last election. Black voters are just going to be more anti-Republican than ever before.
And after that's said and done Republicans will keep acting like they don't know why black people aren't voting for them.
No. Those programs were meant to be a permanent part of the country. There was never any intention to get rid of them nore should there have been one. Holy shit would have have been insanity.
you wont provide any
WE KNOW WHY
Democrats haven't won the over-64 vote since Carter.
OH my yes...just insane to ask people to be responsible for themselves!!!
(too young)
Democrats haven't won the over-64 vote since Carter.
OH my yes...just insane to ask people to be responsible for themselves!!!
(too young)
The fact that conservatives and others on the right have already pretty much left the Republican party apparently doesn't matter.
These "people" are just absoulte scum who think they should get exactly their way on EVERY SINGLE ISSUE with ZERO COMPROMISE and ZERO EXCEPTIONS ever.
In a system with proportional representation, that wouldn't be possible. There would need to be some compromises and everybody would get some of what they want. We need PR now more than ever.
BTW, why is there still a "voting rights act" in 2013? Liberals are truly stuck in the 1950s, which is what they always try to insult others over.
In which states....EXACTLY....are voters being suppressed?
Texas.
South Carolina.
Florida.
Ohio.
LOL.....funny how those states, Florida and Ohio, in particular are always the states that are the "swing" states.
Let's assume you're responsible.
You are going to accept Medicare benefits along with the rest of your responsible conservative friends. And unless you die young, you're likely to to get back about three times more than you put in.
OMG WHY CAN'T YOU JUST BE RESPONSIBLE JULY?!?!?
Exactly. That is why the Pubs take the trouble to cheat and "block the vote" there. Because swing states are the ones where a little cheating can make all the difference.