Pure
Fiel a Verdad
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- Dec 20, 2001
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Can the western democracies become more democratic? How?
Would moving toward *proportional* representation be better and more democratic? Approximations exist in several countries. These insure that if a party gets 30% of the vote, they will have something roughly similar in representation, whereas now, a party with 30% may end up with 2% or even NO representative. In other countries [e.g. New Zealand], there are 'mixed' schemes that have an element of proportionality, as in the the present proposal for Canada.
The present proposal has come up in Canada. Given a parliament, as in Canada, one way to proceed [the New Zealand model] is given below.
Besides the MPs selected in the usual way [local ridings {areas}], there would be additional ones chosen from 'party lists' so as to approach--come closer to-- proportional representation. *the lists would be balanced for gender.* Thus if, for example, a quarter of the total MP came from these lists that would move parliament, the total, from its present 20%, to, say 30% women.
So, is this a good way to get more women into the legislature?
The US case is trickier, though in theory additional members could be added to the House of Reps (which goes, somewhat, by population) and/or the Senate (with 2 senators per state, no matter how small or desolate). Perhaps a Constitutional am't would be required.
====
http://www.thestar.com/article/215539
[Toronto, Canada]
ELECTORAL REFORM
Changing Ontario's voting system would improve gender balance in politics, by Rosemary Speirs
May 21, 2007 04:30 AM
For 30 years, I spent a lot of time in Press galleries, looking down at the sea of men in dark suits on the floor of the House of Commons, and the Ontario Legislature, and Quebec's National Assembly.
There's nothing quite like watching a mostly male gathering debating women's abortion rights, or a conclave of male First Ministers declaring we don't need a national child-care program. The experience turned me into an advocate for reforming the way we elect our politicians.
In her presentation last winter to the Ontario Citizens' Assembly on Electoral Reform, Charm Darby, a former city hall candidate, illustrated what is askew from a woman's point of view.
"I speak to you as a woman; an immigrant woman, a woman of colour, raising a teenage daughter who wonders why she does not see the reflection of herself in the political spectrum. I am certain that young girls all over this province wonder why there are so few women in positions of political power."
In recent years, the number of women lawmakers across Canada has peaked at 21 per cent. You could count well-known female politicians on one hand. The most high profile, Belinda Stronach, is stepping out after enduring sexist name-calling by fellow MPs and prurient snooping by the media. No wonder women think they aren't welcome in the political power game and shy away from seeking nomination and election.
Ontario's three party leaders, Dalton McGuinty, John Tory and Howard Hampton, have publicly pledged to run more women in this fall's provincial election, but they are encountering some reluctance in the female talent pool. It is hard to recruit women who despise the way the game is played.
However, along with the election this fall, we have an historic opportunity.
While casting our votes, we will also vote in a referendum on electoral reform, deciding whether to switch to a new voting model which I believe would make politics more woman-friendly. The Ontario Citizens' Assembly, a body of 103 citizens randomly selected by Elections Ontario, has issued a strong call for a "mixed member proportional" system.
The citizens propose we move gently to reform our electoral system by keeping a majority of MPPs from local ridings, but adding a new element – a minority of representatives elected from party lists. As a future voter, you'd make two marks on the ballot; one for your favourite local candidate, and one for the party of your choice.
Under the new system, 90 members would still be elected locally, but 39 would be elected from party lists to ensure fairer representation for all voters.
Once the 90 riding results were determined in the usual way, each party would fill additional seats from its list to bring its total share of the Legislature into line with its share of the popular vote. Any party would quickly realize it needed to include women at the top of the list, not to mention visible minorities and first nations representatives. So it is off these lists, balanced for gender, that more women would be elected – and many more of the now-under-represented. The long reign of the "backroom boys" would give way to something more civilized.
Getting this attractive reform into law is going to be difficult. Already, supporters of the status quo are waving red flags, suggesting that the reform would create two classes of MPPs, with those elected off the list having a weaker relationship to their electors.
It has been quite the opposite in New Zealand, where the "mixed" system has boosted the number of female legislators to 32 per cent. New Zealand's list members generally choose to work in ridings held by other parties, providing constituents with more than one channel to the Legislature. Forms of proportional representation based entirely on lists, as in Sweden, do even better at electing women. So the Ontario proposal is a compromise, which will bring progress for women, but more slowly.
"In most systems using proportional representation, lists of candidates are used and women have a better chance of getting on the list than they do in riding by riding contests," Doris Anderson, our iconic women's leader, told the Citizens' Assembly just weeks before her death.
Meanwhile, taking advantage of by-elections to run women, the three Ontario party leaders have boosted the number of female MPPs at Queen's Park to 25 per cent, a record high, which will be difficult to match in a general election. The reform that the Citizens' Assembly is recommending would secure those gains, and more.
Chances are that the first election under the reformed system would finally result in a "critical mass," enough women in the Legislature to fairly represent the differing priorities of the female half of the population.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Rosemary Speirs is a former national affairs columnist for the Star.
Would moving toward *proportional* representation be better and more democratic? Approximations exist in several countries. These insure that if a party gets 30% of the vote, they will have something roughly similar in representation, whereas now, a party with 30% may end up with 2% or even NO representative. In other countries [e.g. New Zealand], there are 'mixed' schemes that have an element of proportionality, as in the the present proposal for Canada.
The present proposal has come up in Canada. Given a parliament, as in Canada, one way to proceed [the New Zealand model] is given below.
Besides the MPs selected in the usual way [local ridings {areas}], there would be additional ones chosen from 'party lists' so as to approach--come closer to-- proportional representation. *the lists would be balanced for gender.* Thus if, for example, a quarter of the total MP came from these lists that would move parliament, the total, from its present 20%, to, say 30% women.
So, is this a good way to get more women into the legislature?
The US case is trickier, though in theory additional members could be added to the House of Reps (which goes, somewhat, by population) and/or the Senate (with 2 senators per state, no matter how small or desolate). Perhaps a Constitutional am't would be required.
====
http://www.thestar.com/article/215539
[Toronto, Canada]
ELECTORAL REFORM
Changing Ontario's voting system would improve gender balance in politics, by Rosemary Speirs
May 21, 2007 04:30 AM
For 30 years, I spent a lot of time in Press galleries, looking down at the sea of men in dark suits on the floor of the House of Commons, and the Ontario Legislature, and Quebec's National Assembly.
There's nothing quite like watching a mostly male gathering debating women's abortion rights, or a conclave of male First Ministers declaring we don't need a national child-care program. The experience turned me into an advocate for reforming the way we elect our politicians.
In her presentation last winter to the Ontario Citizens' Assembly on Electoral Reform, Charm Darby, a former city hall candidate, illustrated what is askew from a woman's point of view.
"I speak to you as a woman; an immigrant woman, a woman of colour, raising a teenage daughter who wonders why she does not see the reflection of herself in the political spectrum. I am certain that young girls all over this province wonder why there are so few women in positions of political power."
In recent years, the number of women lawmakers across Canada has peaked at 21 per cent. You could count well-known female politicians on one hand. The most high profile, Belinda Stronach, is stepping out after enduring sexist name-calling by fellow MPs and prurient snooping by the media. No wonder women think they aren't welcome in the political power game and shy away from seeking nomination and election.
Ontario's three party leaders, Dalton McGuinty, John Tory and Howard Hampton, have publicly pledged to run more women in this fall's provincial election, but they are encountering some reluctance in the female talent pool. It is hard to recruit women who despise the way the game is played.
However, along with the election this fall, we have an historic opportunity.
While casting our votes, we will also vote in a referendum on electoral reform, deciding whether to switch to a new voting model which I believe would make politics more woman-friendly. The Ontario Citizens' Assembly, a body of 103 citizens randomly selected by Elections Ontario, has issued a strong call for a "mixed member proportional" system.
The citizens propose we move gently to reform our electoral system by keeping a majority of MPPs from local ridings, but adding a new element – a minority of representatives elected from party lists. As a future voter, you'd make two marks on the ballot; one for your favourite local candidate, and one for the party of your choice.
Under the new system, 90 members would still be elected locally, but 39 would be elected from party lists to ensure fairer representation for all voters.
Once the 90 riding results were determined in the usual way, each party would fill additional seats from its list to bring its total share of the Legislature into line with its share of the popular vote. Any party would quickly realize it needed to include women at the top of the list, not to mention visible minorities and first nations representatives. So it is off these lists, balanced for gender, that more women would be elected – and many more of the now-under-represented. The long reign of the "backroom boys" would give way to something more civilized.
Getting this attractive reform into law is going to be difficult. Already, supporters of the status quo are waving red flags, suggesting that the reform would create two classes of MPPs, with those elected off the list having a weaker relationship to their electors.
It has been quite the opposite in New Zealand, where the "mixed" system has boosted the number of female legislators to 32 per cent. New Zealand's list members generally choose to work in ridings held by other parties, providing constituents with more than one channel to the Legislature. Forms of proportional representation based entirely on lists, as in Sweden, do even better at electing women. So the Ontario proposal is a compromise, which will bring progress for women, but more slowly.
"In most systems using proportional representation, lists of candidates are used and women have a better chance of getting on the list than they do in riding by riding contests," Doris Anderson, our iconic women's leader, told the Citizens' Assembly just weeks before her death.
Meanwhile, taking advantage of by-elections to run women, the three Ontario party leaders have boosted the number of female MPPs at Queen's Park to 25 per cent, a record high, which will be difficult to match in a general election. The reform that the Citizens' Assembly is recommending would secure those gains, and more.
Chances are that the first election under the reformed system would finally result in a "critical mass," enough women in the Legislature to fairly represent the differing priorities of the female half of the population.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Rosemary Speirs is a former national affairs columnist for the Star.
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