Botany Boy and I have gone back and forth about this a lot -- whenever I assert that neoliberalism, a moderate form of economic libertarianism, is the consensus position of both parties and the status quo and default position of American economic policy, and has been since the 1980s, Bot persistently (and nobody does persistently like Bot) denies it, citing all the regulations he has to comply with as a small businessman. Well, there may still be a lot of regs on the books, and most of them will still be there when Trump leaves office, but, for the record, this is exactly what I mean by neoliberalism, aka supply-side, aka Chicago School economics: Ruy Teixeira, in The Optimistic Leftist: Why the 21st Century Will Be Better than You Think, describes the rise of neoliberalism (a word he does not use, he prefers "conservative economics"):
Now, of course, today's global economy is very different from what it was in 1973, and the policies described above might not be entirely to blame for the dismal results, but obviously they haven't helped matters any. Neoliberalism or conservative economics or whatever you call it is a manifest failure. It accomplishes nothing besides its sole intended purpose, which is to make the rich richer, and screws everybody else. Isn't it time all of us, including conservatives and RWs, acknowledged that and looked for something better?
The current prevailing school of thought among economists is a revised Keynesianism called Post-Keynesian economics.
Leading the charge was conservative economist Milton Friedman. In his academic work he showed how inflationary expectations could derail the Phillips Curve (a well-behaved tradeoff between unemployment and inflation) favored by Keynesian economists. And, with his wife Rose, he published the enormously influential Free to Choose, a no-holds-barred polemic in favor of self-interested individuals making "rational," unregulated decisions and against anything that interfered with this process, especially government action. As far as Friedman was concerned, government's economic role should be limited to little more than controlling the growth of the money supply.
This economic philosophy was obviously no mere reform or adjustment of the Keynesian system but a complete turnaround -- a true counter-revolution. In short order, it came to dominate economic policymaking in the United States and other advanced countries. Deregulation and privatization became the order of the day, while Keynesian fiscal policy, especially the central role of public investment, was shunted aside. In the United States, this led to significant deregulation of the transportation, energy, telecommunications and financial sectors. The latter included the repeal of the Glass-Steagal Act, a Depression-era law that mandated barriers between different kinds of financial firms so that, for example, a low-risk commercial bank could not also be a higher-risk investment bank.
The results of the conservative economic regime have not been good. Indeed, in every important way it has produced economic results far inferior to those of the Keynesian era. Start with the slow growth in living standards for the typical family, accompanied by a remarkable rise in inequality. As mentioned earlier, the postwar era until 1973 was notable for equally distributed growth and a dramatic rise in living standards (nearly 3 percent growth per year in family income). From 1973 to 2014, growth in median family income averaged just 0.4 percent a year -- an equally extraordinary slowdown -- producing a mere 16 percent aggregate rise in incomes over a longer time period.
Moreover, in a pattern Paul Krugman and others have termed the Great Divergence, income growth for the affluent and, even more so, for the rich has been far better than for the median family over the post-1973 period, while income growth for the poor has been worse. At the 80th percentile, family income rose by 41 percent and at the 95th percentile by 61 percent, but only by 4 percent at the 20th percentile. In addition, income has become increasingly concentrated at the very highest reaches of the income distribution: the top 1 percent of the income distribution has been regularly receiving over one-fifth of total income in the last decade, most of which is received by the top one half of one percent. These are levels of economic concentration not seen in the United States since the 1920s.
The basic facts of the rise in inequality since 1973 are fairly well known. Less well known is how poorly the post-1973 period compared to the Keynesian era in terms of overall growth. This fact is particularly damning for the conservative economics that replaced Keynesianism, because that economics was supposed to unshackle the great capitalist growth machine from the heavy hand of government. Instead, real GDP growth has actually slowed down: 2.7 percent per year in the post-1973 period, compared to 3.8 percent per year in the Keynesian era. A similar slowdown can be observed in GDP per capita growth, down to 1.7 percent per year from 2.4 percent.
The conservative economic regime has been similarly unsuccessful in keeping down the unemployment rate. Despite encouraging the capitalist economy's allegedly natural tendency towards a full employment equilibrium, the conservative regime has produced higher average unemployment rates (6.1 percent) than those in the Keynesian era (4.8 percent).
Accompanying this underwhelming record on living standards, inequality, growth and employment has been a steep decline in levels of public investment, considered of little importance by a conservative economics entranced with the private sector. Overall public investment by the federal government as a percentage of GDP slipped from 2.6 percent per year at the end of the Keynesian era to 1.9 percent per year in the 2000s. And core infrastructure (transportation, energy, water management) investment slowed dramatically, from 4.3 percent per-year average growth rate in the 1950-74 period to just 2.3 percent per year in the 1975-2007 period. Reflecting this neglect of infrastructure, the American Society of Civil Engineers has estimated that an additional $1.6 trillion in infrastructure investment is needed by 2020 simply to repair and maintain existing infrastructure in the United States, independent of any investments that might be needed to improve our current infrastructure (e.g., high-speed trains, broadband networks, and clean energy smart grids).
Now, of course, today's global economy is very different from what it was in 1973, and the policies described above might not be entirely to blame for the dismal results, but obviously they haven't helped matters any. Neoliberalism or conservative economics or whatever you call it is a manifest failure. It accomplishes nothing besides its sole intended purpose, which is to make the rich richer, and screws everybody else. Isn't it time all of us, including conservatives and RWs, acknowledged that and looked for something better?
The current prevailing school of thought among economists is a revised Keynesianism called Post-Keynesian economics.