Handprints
Literotica Guru
- Joined
- Jul 5, 2007
- Posts
- 547
For comedic effect, I often start posts by trying to remind myself whether I'm on the right or the left. Since I'm not American and don't hold political beliefs that match either the Dems or Reps very cleanly, there's at least one geographic context in which that's open to debate. Whether or not I'm a capitalist, in the functional sense, is less murky: 100% of my earned income is derived from my ability to raise and allocate capital and the largest proportion of my income comes from past earnings that are now at work in the capital markets. Right now, in football terms, that means I'm a left guard with a lot of mud on his ass hoping his quarterback's eyes are going to uncross sometime soon...
A long time ago in another post, I wrote that all capitalism lets you do, as an economic system, is price things and allocate capital towards them on the basis of your pricing beliefs. That's it. Nothing more. It doesn't sound like much when you put it that way but, if everyone takes it up, like cooking and democracy, a really incredible range of human achievements become possible, from the universal franchise to chocolate eclairs.
Success in capitalism results pretty much exclusively from forming beliefs about pricing that prove to be correct over time and allocating capital to back your beliefs. Since there are (usually) no limits on your ability to do this in a free market, there is a constant search for new ideas which can be put into practice. Depending on what other beliefs you hold, you can tie this to a broader political agenda: libertarians like Schumpeter's creative destruction theory; science guys like the idea of technological advances punctuating economic disequilibria; social welfare types like the idea that capitalism can ensure the (chaotic) progress of those elements of the social infrastructure that are insufficiently important to merit direct state control. You can make up your own mind the extent to which capitalism is useful to achieving other social goals; you can believe that there are no valid social goals other than amassing more capital; you can even believe that capitalism, if applied without constraint, will eventually eradicate all socially undesirable things. What you can't do, in my view, is argue that capitalism guarantees anything other than the two things I listed: the ability to price anything and the ability to allocate capital based on your pricing beliefs.
The inevitable result of this freedom to price and allocate is that capitalism will break things: if enough people decide something is worthless (or near it), it becomes worthless (or near it), sometimes for a very long time. Sometimes it breaks things that ought to be broken. Sometimes it breaks things that were perfectly sound, then rediscovers them years later. What some of capitalism's most ardent cheerleaders (regrettably, this includes a number of people who work in markets for a living and who should, as a result, know better) sometimes don't get is that capitalism is perfectly capable of breaking itself and regularly breaks some of the key capabilities that keep it functioning. Recognising that fact, every country that employs capitalism tends, to a greater or lesser extent, to limit capitalism's ability to fool around with things it considers really, really undesirable to break, such as food safety laws, building codes and the government's ability to influence economic policy. That last example is the pertinent one to today's news.
It looks like a number of different things are broken right now but, in truth, there's really only one that's important: capitalism, free and unfettered, by exactly the same processes it breaks monopolies, bad ideas, debt-crippled companies and buggy whip manufacturers, broke the balance sheets of the majority of America's (and a great many of Europe's) lenders. Enough people decided that mortgage-backed securities were worth a lot - and carried very little risk - that they became important elements of these lenders' balance sheets and very important parts of their income-generation activities. When enough people changed their minds, two things happened: the chunk on the balance sheets went poof, and they became potentially liable for huge payments based on a big part of their income generation for the past five+ years. In simpler terms, their assets dropped suddenly at the same moment their liabilities jumped. That's half the problem. The other half of the problem is that we can't actually count how much of the assets are now gone and how much liability was added.
As a practical matter, it's not actually possible to assign a definite fair value to a mortgage-backed security. The only way we could price them accurately is if the government passed a law making it illegal to refinance your mortgage or pay it off early: what you've got now you have to stick with until it is fully paid off, one month at a time. Fat chance. The best we can do is form a guess that will usually be more or less right under normal market conditions. (If you're really desperate to understand why that's true, it will be covered in the Options, Warrants and Derivatives courses at your local university's Master of Finance programme.) Before 2006-ish, people who understood this fact perfectly well were willing to put a price on the things under certain conditions: only small amounts of volatile or exotic debt could be combined with a large quantity of mainstream debt, market conditions had to be benign (ie better than normal), the economy had to be growing, and there had to be insurance available in case the bet went wrong. Under current conditions, none of those safety nets are available. As a result, the conservative value of these mortgage-backed securities is fluctuating between near-zero and not-a-whole-lot-more, depending on their provenance. Those prices are opinions - that's why they're so volatile. Currently you hear a lot of nonsense (especially from politicians) about how "we can stabilize their value" or "they're fine if they're held to maturity." The part of this that isn't pure ignorance is a sales pitch. It isn't true. We don't know what it's worth right now, we don;t know what it will be worth if the government buys some of it, and we don't know what it will be worth if held for a longer period - up to and including maturity. There isn't any way to know.
As a result, we don't really know how badly the asset column of lenders' balance sheets was hit by the drop in value of the securities and, since many of these same lenders offered insurance against mortgage-backed securities going bad, we also don't know how much their liability grew. Helpful, ain't it?
So what do you do if you're a government faced with this problem? You know, if you have the remotest idea how markets work, that lenders are far, far more important to your economy than, say, stocks. You know if they can't (or won't) lend, your economic growth will start going backwards at speed. And you know that if you lose even a reasonably-sized number of lenders to bankruptcy, a roughly similar proportion of non-lenders will be out of business within a year or two. What do you do?
There are currently two approaches being put into practice. In Europe, governments are either buying broken lenders outright or buying very large blocks of new shares in them in order to recapitalise them. They will hold these shares (or the lenders themselves) and inject more capital into them when needed until a more normal market condition prevails (likely not for a few years until time and repayments begin to give us a sense of the scale of the mortgage-backed problem), then sell them back to private investors. Call this the direct approach.
In the US, there's an indirect approach being attempted. The Paulson plan calls for the government to buy the mortgage-backed securities from the lenders at some price to be named later but high enough to at least partly improve their balance sheets. The government will also lend money to any lender who has to meet liabilities resulting from MBS exposure. The idea is that taking a (for now) USD700bn bite out of this multi-trillion dollar market will calm things enough that the remaining MBS won't tip the whole ship over. Call this the indirect approach.
My own view, for what it's worth, is that the US approach is much higher risk without offering anything tangible as a likely reward. It's a purely political choice. For reason probably better understood by Americans than me, the republican party can't publicly admit what its more market-savvy members know for a fact: that capitalism is perfectly capable of breaking itself. (Note: the break isn't permanent, it just stops functioning for a few years.) Add to that the relatively extreme version of the state/market relationship that the republican party current advocates - that it is always and irretrievably worse for the country for a government to own a market participant than not to own it - and, for political reasons, you can't take the European approach. Instead, even though you can't really be sure which MBS the government ought to buy, what lender liabilities the Fed might have to fund, or whether or not the USD700bn will make any difference to market stability or inter-lender trust, you've got to start throwing your money around.
So what's the likely outcome? It's going to be a rough few years for the US. The structural damage to US lenders' balance sheets, as far as we can tell, is at least twice as bad, on average, than in Europe and more than ten times as bad, on average, than in Asia or the rest of the world. That's a guess, but it's a guess based on very good knowledge of which regions own what proportions of the MBS in issue. If the US bailout works spectacularly well - which it might, nobody can be sure - you're probably looking at two or three years of stagnant-to-negative economic growth that migrates very quickly from Wall St to Main St. Equity markets globally are going to be very volatile, although it will probably seem worse in the US because you're not nearly as used to this kind of sea change in economic conditions as the rest of the world. Global growth in GDP is probably going to decline by a point or two for at least the next two or three years, with most of the decline attributable to slowdowns in North America and Western Europe. If your bailout doesn't work as well as Europe's, pretty much the same thigns will happen with the US absorbing a greater share of the punishment. If neither bailout works, you can double (at a minimum) both the length and the severity of the consequences.
That's how it looks from one capitalist's viewpoint inside the market. I hope it's of use.
H
A long time ago in another post, I wrote that all capitalism lets you do, as an economic system, is price things and allocate capital towards them on the basis of your pricing beliefs. That's it. Nothing more. It doesn't sound like much when you put it that way but, if everyone takes it up, like cooking and democracy, a really incredible range of human achievements become possible, from the universal franchise to chocolate eclairs.
Success in capitalism results pretty much exclusively from forming beliefs about pricing that prove to be correct over time and allocating capital to back your beliefs. Since there are (usually) no limits on your ability to do this in a free market, there is a constant search for new ideas which can be put into practice. Depending on what other beliefs you hold, you can tie this to a broader political agenda: libertarians like Schumpeter's creative destruction theory; science guys like the idea of technological advances punctuating economic disequilibria; social welfare types like the idea that capitalism can ensure the (chaotic) progress of those elements of the social infrastructure that are insufficiently important to merit direct state control. You can make up your own mind the extent to which capitalism is useful to achieving other social goals; you can believe that there are no valid social goals other than amassing more capital; you can even believe that capitalism, if applied without constraint, will eventually eradicate all socially undesirable things. What you can't do, in my view, is argue that capitalism guarantees anything other than the two things I listed: the ability to price anything and the ability to allocate capital based on your pricing beliefs.
The inevitable result of this freedom to price and allocate is that capitalism will break things: if enough people decide something is worthless (or near it), it becomes worthless (or near it), sometimes for a very long time. Sometimes it breaks things that ought to be broken. Sometimes it breaks things that were perfectly sound, then rediscovers them years later. What some of capitalism's most ardent cheerleaders (regrettably, this includes a number of people who work in markets for a living and who should, as a result, know better) sometimes don't get is that capitalism is perfectly capable of breaking itself and regularly breaks some of the key capabilities that keep it functioning. Recognising that fact, every country that employs capitalism tends, to a greater or lesser extent, to limit capitalism's ability to fool around with things it considers really, really undesirable to break, such as food safety laws, building codes and the government's ability to influence economic policy. That last example is the pertinent one to today's news.
It looks like a number of different things are broken right now but, in truth, there's really only one that's important: capitalism, free and unfettered, by exactly the same processes it breaks monopolies, bad ideas, debt-crippled companies and buggy whip manufacturers, broke the balance sheets of the majority of America's (and a great many of Europe's) lenders. Enough people decided that mortgage-backed securities were worth a lot - and carried very little risk - that they became important elements of these lenders' balance sheets and very important parts of their income-generation activities. When enough people changed their minds, two things happened: the chunk on the balance sheets went poof, and they became potentially liable for huge payments based on a big part of their income generation for the past five+ years. In simpler terms, their assets dropped suddenly at the same moment their liabilities jumped. That's half the problem. The other half of the problem is that we can't actually count how much of the assets are now gone and how much liability was added.
As a practical matter, it's not actually possible to assign a definite fair value to a mortgage-backed security. The only way we could price them accurately is if the government passed a law making it illegal to refinance your mortgage or pay it off early: what you've got now you have to stick with until it is fully paid off, one month at a time. Fat chance. The best we can do is form a guess that will usually be more or less right under normal market conditions. (If you're really desperate to understand why that's true, it will be covered in the Options, Warrants and Derivatives courses at your local university's Master of Finance programme.) Before 2006-ish, people who understood this fact perfectly well were willing to put a price on the things under certain conditions: only small amounts of volatile or exotic debt could be combined with a large quantity of mainstream debt, market conditions had to be benign (ie better than normal), the economy had to be growing, and there had to be insurance available in case the bet went wrong. Under current conditions, none of those safety nets are available. As a result, the conservative value of these mortgage-backed securities is fluctuating between near-zero and not-a-whole-lot-more, depending on their provenance. Those prices are opinions - that's why they're so volatile. Currently you hear a lot of nonsense (especially from politicians) about how "we can stabilize their value" or "they're fine if they're held to maturity." The part of this that isn't pure ignorance is a sales pitch. It isn't true. We don't know what it's worth right now, we don;t know what it will be worth if the government buys some of it, and we don't know what it will be worth if held for a longer period - up to and including maturity. There isn't any way to know.
As a result, we don't really know how badly the asset column of lenders' balance sheets was hit by the drop in value of the securities and, since many of these same lenders offered insurance against mortgage-backed securities going bad, we also don't know how much their liability grew. Helpful, ain't it?
So what do you do if you're a government faced with this problem? You know, if you have the remotest idea how markets work, that lenders are far, far more important to your economy than, say, stocks. You know if they can't (or won't) lend, your economic growth will start going backwards at speed. And you know that if you lose even a reasonably-sized number of lenders to bankruptcy, a roughly similar proportion of non-lenders will be out of business within a year or two. What do you do?
There are currently two approaches being put into practice. In Europe, governments are either buying broken lenders outright or buying very large blocks of new shares in them in order to recapitalise them. They will hold these shares (or the lenders themselves) and inject more capital into them when needed until a more normal market condition prevails (likely not for a few years until time and repayments begin to give us a sense of the scale of the mortgage-backed problem), then sell them back to private investors. Call this the direct approach.
In the US, there's an indirect approach being attempted. The Paulson plan calls for the government to buy the mortgage-backed securities from the lenders at some price to be named later but high enough to at least partly improve their balance sheets. The government will also lend money to any lender who has to meet liabilities resulting from MBS exposure. The idea is that taking a (for now) USD700bn bite out of this multi-trillion dollar market will calm things enough that the remaining MBS won't tip the whole ship over. Call this the indirect approach.
My own view, for what it's worth, is that the US approach is much higher risk without offering anything tangible as a likely reward. It's a purely political choice. For reason probably better understood by Americans than me, the republican party can't publicly admit what its more market-savvy members know for a fact: that capitalism is perfectly capable of breaking itself. (Note: the break isn't permanent, it just stops functioning for a few years.) Add to that the relatively extreme version of the state/market relationship that the republican party current advocates - that it is always and irretrievably worse for the country for a government to own a market participant than not to own it - and, for political reasons, you can't take the European approach. Instead, even though you can't really be sure which MBS the government ought to buy, what lender liabilities the Fed might have to fund, or whether or not the USD700bn will make any difference to market stability or inter-lender trust, you've got to start throwing your money around.
So what's the likely outcome? It's going to be a rough few years for the US. The structural damage to US lenders' balance sheets, as far as we can tell, is at least twice as bad, on average, than in Europe and more than ten times as bad, on average, than in Asia or the rest of the world. That's a guess, but it's a guess based on very good knowledge of which regions own what proportions of the MBS in issue. If the US bailout works spectacularly well - which it might, nobody can be sure - you're probably looking at two or three years of stagnant-to-negative economic growth that migrates very quickly from Wall St to Main St. Equity markets globally are going to be very volatile, although it will probably seem worse in the US because you're not nearly as used to this kind of sea change in economic conditions as the rest of the world. Global growth in GDP is probably going to decline by a point or two for at least the next two or three years, with most of the decline attributable to slowdowns in North America and Western Europe. If your bailout doesn't work as well as Europe's, pretty much the same thigns will happen with the US absorbing a greater share of the punishment. If neither bailout works, you can double (at a minimum) both the length and the severity of the consequences.
That's how it looks from one capitalist's viewpoint inside the market. I hope it's of use.
H