Who should/will be the next House Majority Leader?

KingOrfeo

Literotica Guru
Joined
Jul 27, 2008
Posts
39,182
Cantor has announced he's not going to hold the job to the end of his Congressional term, he's stepping down at the end of July.

From The Nation:

Who Will Replace Eric Cantor?

George Zornick on June 12, 2014 - 3:33 PM ET


After 2014 passes, Eric Cantor will no longer represent the 7th Congressional district in Virginia. But after July passes, he will also no longer serve as majority leader of the House of Representatives—a crucial position, and one in which he has used to considerably influence national policy.

As Chris Hayes pointed out last night on All In, Cantor was the chief advocate for driving a 2011 debt-ceiling showdown and the severe austerity measures that resulted. That’s not to say it was his sole prerogative; Cantor was advocating on behalf of a coalition of far-right Tea Party lawmakers who desperately wanted a showdown with the White House. But inside the leadership offices on Capitol Hill, it was Cantor who made sure that Speaker John Boehner heard and reacted to their concerns. As the number-two Republican in the House, he served as a conservative sword of Damocles over Boehner’s head: cross the conservatives too much, and they just might replace Boehner as Speaker with Cantor.

In addition, the majority leader’s considerable influence over the House gives that person unique power to make sure his or her top donors received what they want. In Cantor’s case, it meant Wall Street had an even stronger voice on Capitol Hill.

As of Thursday, only two candidates have emerged to take Cantor’s place: Representatives Kevin McCarthy and Pete Sessions. It’s useful to take a look at the political backgrounds and pet issues of both to see what direction the House might be headed post-Cantor.

Representative Kevin McCarthy
District: California’s 23rd
In Congress since: 2007
Biggest Contributors: Pharmaceutical and Health Product PACs contributed the most to his campaign committee; for individual donations, a plurality were from the securities and investment industry.

McCarthy is to some extent an empty vessel; he rose very quickly through California state politics. After stints with the California Young Republicans in the 1990s, he went on to work for Representative Bill Thomas, a congressional powerhouse who chaired the House Ways and Means Committee. Thomas was a titan for the pharmaceutical industry and helped get the Medicare Part D drug benefit passed; the ties McCarthy developed during this time are likely why he maintains high financial support from drug companies.

McCarthy left that office to run for California State Assembly, and won a seat in 2002. He quickly became assembly Republican leader, a theme throughout his career—he seems to excel most at internal politicking and obtaining caucus leadership posts. As Ryan Grim and Ashley Alman wrote at The Huffington Post, “There isn’t much to dislike about McCarthy, unless you’re annoyed with empty ambition.”

McCarthy is almost surely Boehner’s choice for the job, though he hasn’t said so publicly. He’s a moderate (by, of course, the standards of the increasingly polarized and extreme House GOP caucus.) In fact, he’s arguably more moderate than Cantor on the key issue of immigration—he said early this year that immigration reform should include legal status for the undocumented. All in all, McCarthy is unlikely to lead the Tea Party vanguard in the House. In fact, he’ll probably blunt its impact.

Representative Pete Sessions
District: Texas’s 32nd
In Congress Since: 1997
Biggest Contributors: Health Professionals PACs contributed the most to his campaign committee; for individual donations, a large plurality were either ideological donors or people in the Securities and Investment industry.

McCarthy is, quite clearly, not the preferred choice of the more conservative House GOP members. Their hopes initially rested on Representative Jeb Hensarling, a Tea Party favorite and chairman of the powerful and extremely lucrative, from a fundraising standpoint, House Financial Services Committee. Perhaps because he was unwilling to give up that plum spot, Hensarling elected not to run for majority leader and publicly tossed his support to Sessions. Other hardcore conservatives like Representatives Tom Price and Jim Jordan also chose not to run.

So it’s looking, for now, like a two-man race between McCarthy and Sessions. Some conservatives remain unsatisfied—Representative Steve King, for example, said Thursday he still wants a “staunch conservative [and] anti-amnesty candidate” to step up, but so far, nobody else has.

Sessions conservative credentials, though, are hardly in doubt. During the government shutdown last year, a member of the House was reported to have told President Obama, to his face, “I cannot stand to even look at you.” Several people in the meeting later identified Sessions as the speaker, though he denied it.

In early 2009, as Obama settled into the White House, Sessions favorably compared the coming GOP rebellion to the tactics of the Taliban. “Insurgency, we understand perhaps a little bit more because of the Taliban,” Mr. Sessions said in an interview with Hotline. “And that is that they went about systematically understanding how to disrupt and change a person’s entire processes.” (Aides immediately stressed Sessions wasn’t really comparing the GOP to the Taliban, just noting there was a blueprint for insurgent tactics out there. This seemed a distinction without much difference.)

Sessions appears to be basing his campaign around a tough anti–immigration reform stance. While GOP members gathered to say goodbye to Cantor on Wednesday in the Capitol, Sessions was busy finding the assembled press cameras and hinting at why he needed to take Cantor’s position. “I think this administration needs to be prodded and reminded that the entire sovereignty of the United States is at risk if we do not secure our border—north, south, east, and west,” Sessions said, as Breitbart News reported. “The things which are occurring at our border must be stopped and must be controlled before we do anything else that encourages people to come here.”

But some hard-right anti-immigration reform activists aren’t totally sold on Sessions. He faced a Sarah Palin–backed primary opponent who repeatedly blasted Sessions for taking an (extremely timid) step in the direction of reform. At a 2013 town hall meeting, he was caught on tape endorsing a guestworker program—though one that would never lead to full citizenship.

Ethical issues might also undo Sessions. He had an uncanny knack for getting himself mixed up in some of the more unseemly scandals of the aughts. He was caught up in the Jack Abramoff scandal when Sessions wrote letters to Bush administration officials asking them not to shut down certain Indian casinos—and then got wads of cash in campaign donations from tribes represented by Abramoff. He also got significant money from disgraced financier Alan Stanford and flew often on his private jet. Vice reported extensively Wednesday on some of the favors Sessions may have done.

But Sessions is no doubt a true believer—hence the large amounts of ideological money he’s received. He also chaired the National Republican Campaign Committee during the 2010 takeover, which burnished his credentials while making many Tea Party members indebted to him for their seats.

It seems, for now, that McCarthy has the race locked up—but then again, everyone said that about Eric Cantor, too.
 
We should just give them all 10 years off. Things can't get worse.
 
Hell, give it to Boehner, and replace him with somebody who can get shit done. Maybe then the GOP can earn a little respect.
 
Sessions has dropped out, Hensarling never got in, and now the TP wing is talking of drafting Jim Jordan of Ohio.

Cantor’s downfall was significant in that it brought a sense of immediacy to the civil war between the Tea Party and the establishment. Primary fights were and are dramatic, but their impact was always going to be felt much further on down the road, after the November elections, when the new Congress convenes in 2015. With Cantor defeated and his leadership position vacant, there was a sudden and unexpected opportunity for the Tea Party to assert its influence now. And the establishment moved quickly to make sure that didn’t happen.

So now instead of trying to cobble together a temporary alliance between insurgent candidates and established incumbents aimed at taking down the Democrats, the two camps are at each other’s throats less than five months before Election Day. Republicans in disarray!

From a pragmatic standpoint, McCarthy sliding into Cantor’s spot with a minimum of fuss makes the most sense, arguably for both the establishment and the Tea Party. The establishment obviously would want to promote one of their own, but McCarthy will have to face another leadership election next January. The Tea Party caucus could use that time to organize and get its candidates and strategy set. But the drama of Cantor’s downfall has left them feeling like they’re owed something. “Less than twenty-four hours after the shockwaves of Eric Cantor’s defeat, the House Republican Party has decided to ignore the results as a meaningless anomaly,” Erickson wrote.

The irony, of course, is that McCarthy, Sessions and Hensarling are all very conservative lawmakers by any objective reading, and Cantor’s defeat will likely mean that whoever occupies the majority leader’s position will yank the party even further to the right than it already is. Erickson and his ilk have already won, but they refuse to realize it.
 
I nominate Louis DePalma.

danny-devito.jpg
 
From Salon:

Friday, Jun 13, 2014 12:33 PM EDT

Tea Party’s cool older brother pulls the rug out from under them

Far right trampled Cantor and should have a claim to his leadership slot. So how is Kevin McCarthy doing so well?

Jim Newell


Eric Cantor’s defeat at the hands of economics professor David Brat was a cause of instant celebration and mockery worldwide, or at least among political junkies who consider Eric Cantor a generally unlikable person. Rarely has the ancient practice of pointing and laughing at someone whose career had just been ruined felt quite so rich. There are moments, and then there are moments. This was one of them.

But maybe the celebration went a little too far, too fast. You wake up the next morning, the next afternoon, head pounding, shoulder mysteriously dislocated, hair on fire, and realize all at once: Oh shit, they’re never going to raise the debt ceiling again.

It’s been all too clear that Cantor’s defeat will put the final freeze on the possibility of any major “optional” legislation — comprehensive immigration reform, for example — making its way through Congress in the next… forever. But what about mandatory legislation? That depends on one’s definition of “mandatory.” Here on Planet Earth, we consider things like funding the government and raising the debt ceiling “mandatory.” These are basic tasks that Congress must do in order to keep the country, and the world, functioning. Over in TeaPartystan, however, raising the debt ceiling, which the government bumps up against next in 2015, is more of an open question. And considering the hatred of the GOP House leadership demonstrated by Cantor’s ouster, there’s got to be more consternation within its ranks about bringing the next hike to the floor.

This is where the “good” news comes in. For all the tuff talk about how, post-Cantorgeddon, the the next majority leader needs to be a Real Constitutional Conservative or a hot-bellied Tea Partier or a deep-red-state Republican, it appears that the current House majority whip, Rep. Kevin McCarthy of California, may be able to glide into the #2 slot without much resistance. As the Washington Examiner’s Philip Klein asks, for a stunning Tea Party victory, this? Groups that score Republicans voting records place McCarthy to the left of Cantor. Additionally, Klein writes, “McCarthy voted for a Hurricane Sandy relief bill that included spending that was unrelated to providing emergency aid, fought for the farm and food stamp bill, fought reforms to the federal sugar program, and backed an extension of the corporate welfare agency known as the Export-Import Bank. In January, he also supported a path to legal status for immigrants who entered this country illegally.”

So… umm… how? How is a dirty California proto-RINO like McCarthy poised to win the promotion? The answer is deep inside-baseball and complex beyond basic human comprehension: he’s a nice guy and people like him. As the Washington Post writes, McCarthy “continued building personal relationships within the sprawling 233-member Republican Conference, deploying every networking tool at his disposal — small dinners, workouts in the House gym, long bike rides up the C&O Canal towpath. Almost no lawmaker was left unattended, including those who had been cast aside by past leaders.” That’s simple enough: he’s taken nearly each member of the House Republican conference on dates, and they’ve determined that he’s a sweetheart.

McCarthy, perhaps knowing from the get-go that his ability to rise in the leadership would depend on the relationships he could build with those who were much further right than him, has been cozying up to the newer classes of GOP members for years. Journalist Robert Draper chronicled this kinder, friendlier McCarthyism in his 2012 book about the chaotic 112th Congress, Do Not Ask What Good We Do.

Now that the eighty-seven freshmen had arrived in Washington, McCarthy offered himself up as their resident big brother. He regularly took them out for dinner on his political action committee’s dime. He played a weekly game of basketball with Jeff Duncan, Steve Fincher, and a few other freshmen. Nineteen of them slept in their offices, both as a symbolic commitment not to become Beltway fixtures and as a means of saving money. McCarthy also slept on his office couch, and in the morning he would go cycling or work out in the House gym with Paul Ryan and a few of the newbies. He gave them tips on running their offices. He organized get-togethers between them and the older members. And his Capitol office suite, H-107, became the freshman class’s unofficial flophouse, where they would go to filch a granola bar, have an evening glass of wine, or duck away momentarily from the demands of their own offices across the street.

The freshmen found it easy to connect with McCarthy. That he had spent the past year nurturing their political growth only partly explained the bond. The whip was informal (no one, including his staffers, called him anything other than Kevin), almost absurdly sunny, and far more proactively attentive than the ever-calculating Cantor of the amiable but oft-sequestered Boehner.

He was practically one of them. (pp. 78-79)

Kevin McCarthy, the Tea Party’s Cool Older Brother.

One of the book’s more amusing anecdotes about McCarthy involves the debt ceiling. Most of the GOP freshmen won their 2010 campaigns by promising never to raise the debt ceiling. As McCarthy knew, this was effective but also terribly dangerous rhetoric. And so he organized a “field trip” for these adults to the Bureau of the Public Debt, so they could learn about how the United States’ public debt was managed. “And after these field trips,” Draper writes, “they began to ask more questions.

And this was a good and necessary thing, since Kevin McCarthy knew something that many of these freshmen apparently did not — which was that Congress would ultimately need to raise the debt ceiling by August 2, so that the country could pay its bills and maintain its AAA credit rating. By the late spring of 2011, most of the eighty-seven freshmen and many of the more conservative House members were not of a mind to raise the ceiling, regardless of the consequences. McCarthy was working to change this.

Those of us who were alive during 2011 will remember that McCarthy and Co.’s clever plan to indoctrinate (/teach basic lessons to) the rank-and-file through field trips didn’t go too smoothly, as that summer descended into a debt ceiling crisis that only avoided arbitrary economic collapse by a fraction of a second. There have been several more slightly less traumatic debt ceiling episodes ever since, but each time, it’s gone a bit easier.

In the post-Cantor political world, though, progress may be receding. Primary-scared House members are going to push hard, yet again, to extract major concessions from President Obama the next time a debt ceiling hike is needed. The least we can hope for is that the House replaces Cantor with McCarthy, a known understander-of-the-debt-ceiling. (Then again, there are still several days until the closed-door House leadership elections — plenty of time for an anti-RINO revolt to land Rep. Louie Gohmert in the Majority leader slot.) Wrap it up, McCarthy!
 
Jim Jordan just took himself out of the running....like most of the Tea Party types, he's more interested in complaining rather than leading.

It seems like McCarthy is going to take Cantor's position, which I find the height of irony: McCarthy was one of the adults who campaigned behind the scenes against a government shutdown last year.

The Koch brothers' goosestepping "grassroots" organization, FreedomWorks, had announce an "anyone BUT McCarthy" jihad, but it's probably too little, too late.
 
This story is way too much ado about nothing: there won't be any more legislating in this Congress anyway (not that there was ever very much), and there will be a new election for Majority Leader in December or so.
 
Who could or should become Speaker of the House really depends on which party controls the House after this year's elections. At this point, it's not even a guarantee the GOP will be the majority party, though it's not often the president's party picks up seats in the off-year elections.
 
Who could or should become Speaker of the House really depends on which party controls the House after this year's elections. At this point, it's not even a guarantee the GOP will be the majority party, though it's not often the president's party picks up seats in the off-year elections.

The intense gerrymandering of 2010 should keep the Republicans in the majority in the House in 2014, they typically do well in non-General Election years, because most Republicans, being much, much older than the average American, are either retired or otherwise unemployed.
 
And young people just don't give a shit. If Republican lose the House it'll rank up there as a sign of the end.
 
This is how LIBS reason. ALL NAZIS ARE MEN, AND ALL MEN HAVE BALLS, SO ALL MEN MUST BE NAZIS.
 
Back
Top