Desegregation, before Brown

[unregistered]

 

[cjh]

Barry Goldwater claimed that he personally opposed segregation.

He also claimed that the United States could not prevent businesses engaged in interstate commerce from excluding black citizens from their commerce.

Do you believe that, Vette?

Can your Denny's exclude blacks and Mexicans if it wants to?

 

[renard_ruse]

Still no desegregation in Israel.

Nobody seems too concerned about it.

 

[cjh]

Still no desegregation in Israel.

Nobody seems too concerned about it.

Do they operate under our Constitution?

 

[Squibbs]

Still no desegregation in Saudi Arabia.

Nobody seems too concerned about it.

 

[Squibbs]

originally posted by vettebitch:
My party wasn't racist in one point in history. We're racist as all fuck now, but there was once a time when we weren't. we weren't so stupid and didn't cry all day and night either, if you can believe that.

I believe it..

 

[dan_c00000]

Another quality post stolen from brietbart vette? Didn't I ask you nicely to stop posting racist shit? Oh well meanwhile checking in with reality thanks to Jackie Robinson:

Apparently, I was one of the preconvention opposition who Senator Goldwater thought he could unify into his campaign. Although I had let it be widely known that I intended to do all I could for LBJ, Candidate Goldwater sent me an invitation early; in August to come to Washington to have breakfast with him. He suggested that I really didn’t know him well enough to condemn him and that he felt we might be able to learn something from each other.

Some people will say I should have accepted the invitation. I did not reject it in hasty anger. My instinct simply told me immediately that the only way the Senator could sell me his candidacy was if he repudiated the John Birchers, the dirty campaign tactics of Bill Miller who was his running mate, and some of the basic standards he and his crowd had set. I knew he wasn’t about to do all that simply to get my support.

I resolved that I should not allow myself to get boxed into the image of being a hothead, unwilling, for no good reason, to talk things over. Consequently, I released the text of my reply to the Goldwater invitation to the press. In that letter I told the Senator I was releasing my reply to the national press. The letter said in part:

“You say to me that you are interested in breaking bread with me and discussing your views on civil rights. Senator, on pain of appearing facetious, I must relate to you a rather well-known story regarding the noted musician, Louis Armstrong, who was once asked to explain jazz. “If you have to ask,” Mr. Armstrong replied, “you wouldn’t understand.”

What are you going to tell me, Senator Goldwater, which you cannot or do not choose to tell the country – or which you could not have told the convention which you controlled so rigidly that it booed Nelson Rockefeller, a distinguished fellow-Republican?

What are you going to say about extremism now? You called for it and the answer came in the thudding feet and the crashing store windows and the Molotov cocktails and the crack of police bullets and the clubbing of heads and the hate and the violence and the fear which electrified Harlem and Rochester and Jersey. I am solidly committed to the peaceful, non-violent mass action of the Negro people in pursuit of long-overdue justice. But I am as much opposed to the extremism of Negro rioters and Negro hoodlums as I am to the sheeted Klan, to the sinister Birchers and to the insidious citizens’ Councils.

If, in view of these questions, which I raise in absolute sincerity and conviction, you still think a meeting between us would be fruitful, I am available at your convenience.”

My letter to the Senator did not receive any response from him. It did get a response from many people who read it in the newspapers. The fan mail ran about half and half, with some people giving me a hard time for not accepting Senator Goldwater’s invitation and other declaring that I told him off.

I was not as sold on the Republican party [as I was on Governor Rockefeller]... . Every chance I got, while I was campaigning, I said plainly what I thought of the right-wing Republicans and the harm they were doing. I felt the GOP was a minority party in term of numbers of registered voters and could not win unless they updated their social philosophy and sponsored candidates and principles to attract the young, the black, and the independent voter. I said this often from public, and frequently Republican, platforms. By and large Republicans had ignored blacks and sometimes handpicked a few servile leaders in the black community to be their token "niggers". How would I sound trying to go all out to sell Republicans to black people? They're not buying. They know better.

I admit freely that I think, live, and breathe black first and foremost. That is one of the reasons I was so committed to the governor and so opposed to Senator Barry Goldwater. Early in 1964 I wrote a Speaking Out piece for The Saturday Evening Post. A Barry Goldwater victory would insure that the GOP would be completely the white man's party. What happened at San Francisco when Senator Goldwater became the Republican standard-bearer confirmed my prediction.
...
That convention was one of the most unforgettable and frightening experiences of my life.
...
A new breed of Republicans had taken over the GOP. As I watched this steamroller operation in San Francisco, I had a better understanding of how it must have felt to be a Jew in Hitler’s Germany.

The same high-handed methods had been there.

The same belief in the superiority of one religious or racial group over another was here. Liberals who fought so hard and so vainly were afraid not only of what would happen to the GOP but of what would happen to America. The Goldwaterites were afraid – afraid not to hew strictly to the line they had been spoon-fed, afraid to listen to logic and reason if it was not in their script.
...
It was a terrible hour for the relatively few black delegates who were present. Distinguished in their communities, identified with the cause of Republicanism, an extremely unpopular cause among blacks, they had been served notice that the party they had fought for considered them just another bunch of “niggers”. They had no real standing in the convention, no clout. They were unimportant and ignored.

One bigot from one of the Deep South states actually threw acid on a black delegate’s suit jacket and burned it. Another one, from the Alabama delegation where I was standing at the time of the Rockefeller speech, turned on me menacingly while I was shouting “C’mon Rocky” as the governor stood his ground. He started up in his seat as if to come after me. His wife grabbed his arm and pulled him back. “Turn him loose, lady, turn him loose,” I shouted.

I was ready for him. I wanted him badly, but luckily for him he obeyed his wife.

I had been very active on that convention floor. I was one of those trying to help bring about a united front among the black delegates in the hope of thwarting the Goldwater drive. George Parker had courageously challenged Goldwater in vain and Edward Brooke had lent his uncompromising sincerity to the convention. I sat in with them after the nomination as they agonized about what they should do. Some were for walking out of the convention and even out of the party. Others felt that, as gloomy as things looked, the wisest idea was to remain within the party and fight.

Throughout the convention, I had been interviewed several times on network television. When I was asked my opinion of Barry Goldwater, I gave it. I said I thought he was a bigot. I added that he was not as important as the forces behind him. I was genuinely concerned, for instance, about Republican National Committee Chairman William Miller, slated to become the Vice Presidential candidate. Bill Miller could have become the Agnew of his day if he had been elected. He was a man who apparently believed you never said a decent thing in political campaigning if you could think of a way to be nasty, insinuating, and abrasive.

What with the columns I had written about Goldwater, The Saturday Evening Post article, and the television and radio interview, I had achieved a great deal of publicity about the way I felt about Goldwater.

---from "I Never Had It Made" by Jackie Robinson-------

 

[RobDownSouth]

Vetty's in his imaginary "Leave It To Beaver" world tonight, pining away for the halycon days of "separate but equal", the days when Negroes took his orders instead of his wallet.

 

[eyer]

...meanwhile checking in with reality thanks to Jackie Robinson:

Apparently, I was one of the preconvention opposition who Senator Goldwater thought he could unify into his campaign. Although I had let it be widely known that I intended to do all I could for LBJ, Candidate Goldwater sent me an invitation early; in August to come to Washington to have breakfast with him. He suggested that I really didn’t know him well enough to condemn him and that he felt we might be able to learn something from each other.

Some people will say I should have accepted the invitation. I did not reject it in hasty anger. My instinct simply told me immediately that the only way the Senator could sell me his candidacy was if he repudiated the John Birchers, the dirty campaign tactics of Bill Miller who was his running mate, and some of the basic standards he and his crowd had set. I knew he wasn’t about to do all that simply to get my support.

I resolved that I should not allow myself to get boxed into the image of being a hothead, unwilling, for no good reason, to talk things over. Consequently, I released the text of my reply to the Goldwater invitation to the press. In that letter I told the Senator I was releasing my reply to the national press. The letter said in part:

“You say to me that you are interested in breaking bread with me and discussing your views on civil rights. Senator, on pain of appearing facetious, I must relate to you a rather well-known story regarding the noted musician, Louis Armstrong, who was once asked to explain jazz. “If you have to ask,” Mr. Armstrong replied, “you wouldn’t understand.”

What are you going to tell me, Senator Goldwater, which you cannot or do not choose to tell the country – or which you could not have told the convention which you controlled so rigidly that it booed Nelson Rockefeller, a distinguished fellow-Republican?

What are you going to say about extremism now? You called for it and the answer came in the thudding feet and the crashing store windows and the Molotov cocktails and the crack of police bullets and the clubbing of heads and the hate and the violence and the fear which electrified Harlem and Rochester and Jersey. I am solidly committed to the peaceful, non-violent mass action of the Negro people in pursuit of long-overdue justice. But I am as much opposed to the extremism of Negro rioters and Negro hoodlums as I am to the sheeted Klan, to the sinister Birchers and to the insidious citizens’ Councils.

If, in view of these questions, which I raise in absolute sincerity and conviction, you still think a meeting between us would be fruitful, I am available at your convenience.”

My letter to the Senator did not receive any response from him. It did get a response from many people who read it in the newspapers. The fan mail ran about half and half, with some people giving me a hard time for not accepting Senator Goldwater’s invitation and other declaring that I told him off.

I was not as sold on the Republican party [as I was on Governor Rockefeller]... . Every chance I got, while I was campaigning, I said plainly what I thought of the right-wing Republicans and the harm they were doing. I felt the GOP was a minority party in term of numbers of registered voters and could not win unless they updated their social philosophy and sponsored candidates and principles to attract the young, the black, and the independent voter. I said this often from public, and frequently Republican, platforms. By and large Republicans had ignored blacks and sometimes handpicked a few servile leaders in the black community to be their token "niggers". How would I sound trying to go all out to sell Republicans to black people? They're not buying. They know better.

I admit freely that I think, live, and breathe black first and foremost. That is one of the reasons I was so committed to the governor and so opposed to Senator Barry Goldwater. Early in 1964 I wrote a Speaking Out piece for The Saturday Evening Post. A Barry Goldwater victory would insure that the GOP would be completely the white man's party. What happened at San Francisco when Senator Goldwater became the Republican standard-bearer confirmed my prediction.
...
That convention was one of the most unforgettable and frightening experiences of my life.
...
A new breed of Republicans had taken over the GOP. As I watched this steamroller operation in San Francisco, I had a better understanding of how it must have felt to be a Jew in Hitler’s Germany.

The same high-handed methods had been there.

The same belief in the superiority of one religious or racial group over another was here. Liberals who fought so hard and so vainly were afraid not only of what would happen to the GOP but of what would happen to America. The Goldwaterites were afraid – afraid not to hew strictly to the line they had been spoon-fed, afraid to listen to logic and reason if it was not in their script.
...
It was a terrible hour for the relatively few black delegates who were present. Distinguished in their communities, identified with the cause of Republicanism, an extremely unpopular cause among blacks, they had been served notice that the party they had fought for considered them just another bunch of “niggers”. They had no real standing in the convention, no clout. They were unimportant and ignored.

One bigot from one of the Deep South states actually threw acid on a black delegate’s suit jacket and burned it. Another one, from the Alabama delegation where I was standing at the time of the Rockefeller speech, turned on me menacingly while I was shouting “C’mon Rocky” as the governor stood his ground. He started up in his seat as if to come after me. His wife grabbed his arm and pulled him back. “Turn him loose, lady, turn him loose,” I shouted.

I was ready for him. I wanted him badly, but luckily for him he obeyed his wife.

I had been very active on that convention floor. I was one of those trying to help bring about a united front among the black delegates in the hope of thwarting the Goldwater drive. George Parker had courageously challenged Goldwater in vain and Edward Brooke had lent his uncompromising sincerity to the convention. I sat in with them after the nomination as they agonized about what they should do. Some were for walking out of the convention and even out of the party. Others felt that, as gloomy as things looked, the wisest idea was to remain within the party and fight.

Throughout the convention, I had been interviewed several times on network television. When I was asked my opinion of Barry Goldwater, I gave it. I said I thought he was a bigot. I added that he was not as important as the forces behind him. I was genuinely concerned, for instance, about Republican National Committee Chairman William Miller, slated to become the Vice Presidential candidate. Bill Miller could have become the Agnew of his day if he had been elected. He was a man who apparently believed you never said a decent thing in political campaigning if you could think of a way to be nasty, insinuating, and abrasive.

What with the columns I had written about Goldwater, The Saturday Evening Post article, and the television and radio interview, I had achieved a great deal of publicity about the way I felt about Goldwater.

---from "I Never Had It Made" by Jackie Robinson-------

Excellent bring, dan z00000...

...thank you very much for sharing it with this Board.

I'm sure you don't realize it, though, that there's a message in there for you, too:

You need to post other folks' stuff...

...rather than keep failing with your own.

 

[dan_c00000]

Excellent bring, dan z00000...

...thank you very much for sharing it with this Board.

I'm sure you don't realize it, though, that there's a message in there for you, too:

You need to post other folks' stuff...

...rather than keep failing with your own.

I'm glad you appreciated it. In fact let me tell you some more stuff since you're clearly a clueless moron!

If you can read, which I doubt you can, check out Rule and Ruin: The Downfall of Moderation and the Destruction of the Republican Party, From Eisenhower to the Tea Party by Geoffrey Kabaservice.

In it he details how Goldwater and his backwater, grassroots, proto-tea party crazies nearly destroyed the GOP and divided it against itself ensuring we'd be stuck with one legit political party and a bunch of theocratic, idealogical loons.

See how I posted my own stuff and made you look like a bitch?

 

[JAMESBJOHNSON]

Where'd we ever get the idea that black or queer are substitutes for performance? Theyre like Veterans preference points.

 

[mercury14]

Lest in the howl of Democrat self righteousness it be forgotten:


Desegregation, before Brown


Barry Goldwater and the forgotten campaign in Phoenix
By Kevin D. Williamson

"For more than a century, the Republican party had been the party of civil rights, of abolition, of emancipation, the party of Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglass...

I think people have forgotten that the Republican Party is the party of civil rights because they just spent fifty years either not caring about them or actively opposing them. That's my theory. It's a stretch, I know.

 

[mercury14]

Today's GOP is all about asking minorities to think of them as the party of civil rights - while at the same time opposing minority rights and suppressing their vote. I'm pretty much not a minority in any way but if I was one I'd be deeply insulted by these lame-assed attempts to trick me into voting against my own self-interest.

 

[KingOrfeo]

AuH20 a civil-rights activist? Not so much.

In 1964, Goldwater ran a conservative campaign that emphasized "states' rights".[15] Goldwater's 1964 campaign was a magnet for conservatives since he opposed interference by the federal government in state affairs. Although he had supported all previous federal civil rights legislation and had supported the original senate version of the bill, Goldwater made the decision to oppose the Civil Rights Act of 1964. His stance was based on his view that the act was an intrusion of the federal government into the affairs of states and that the Act interfered with the rights of private persons to do or not do business with whomever they chose.[16]

All this appealed to white Southern Democrats, and Goldwater was the first Republican to win the electoral votes of all of the Deep South states (South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana) since Reconstruction[17] (although Dwight Eisenhower did carry Louisiana in 1956). However, Goldwater's vote on the Civil Rights Act proved devastating to his campaign everywhere outside the South (besides Dixie, Goldwater won only in Arizona, his home state), contributing to his landslide defeat in 1964.

Also of interest:

Barry Goldwater was an American politician and is considered by many to be the founder of the modern conservative movement in the United States. He also influenced the American libertarian movement. His ideas eventually reached the White House when Ronald Reagan won the Presidency in the 1980 election. Due to his views on abortion and gay rights, he was actually more liberal than today's conservatives; his fierce opposition to the mutual exploitation pact between the GOP and the Christian Right, and his spoken reasons for it (see below), were highly prescient.

<snip>

The modern conservative movement grew directly out of Goldwater's campaign, as did the early libertarian movement (the two were somewhat cross pollinating during the 1960s, before openly splitting over the draft and the Vietnam War). Phyllis Schlafly's 1964 book A Choice, Not An Echo was a best-seller during the Goldwater campaign and made her a well-known conservative activist, while Ronald Reagan emerged as a conservative icon during the campaign as well, and parlayed that into getting himself elected governor of California and later, president. On the other hand, both Reagan and Schlafly married religion to the Republican Party, and nowadays, religious lobbyists and political action committees continually influence Republican politicians. "Modern" conservatism has switched from a limited constitutional interpretation to reactionary politics that harken to an older era. With Goldwater's criticism of the religious right - as well his more moderate views on social policies - it is safe to say that the current Republican Party has drifted far from his ideals.

Quotes

"A government that is big enough to give you all you want is big enough to take it all away."

"Every good Christian ought to kick Falwell right in the ass."[4]

"On religious issues there can be little or no compromise. There is no position on which people are so immovable as their religious beliefs. There is no more powerful ally one can claim in a debate than Jesus Christ, or God, or Allah, or whatever one calls this supreme being. But like any powerful weapon, the use of God's name on one's behalf should be used sparingly. The religious factions that are growing throughout our land are not using their religious clout with wisdom. They are trying to force government leaders into following their position 100 percent. If you disagree with these religious groups on a particular moral issue, they complain, they threaten you with a loss of money or votes or both.
"I'm frankly sick and tired of the political preachers across this country telling me as a citizen that if I want to be a moral person, I must believe in "A," "B," "C" and "D." Just who do they think they are? And from where do they presume to claim the right to dictate their moral beliefs to me?
"And I am even more angry as a legislator who must endure the threats of every religious group who thinks it has some God-granted right to control my vote on every roll call in the Senate. I am warning them today: I will fight them every step of the way if they try to dictate their moral convictions to all Americans in the name of "conservatism"."

"The oldest philosophy in the world is conservatism, and I go clear back to the first Greeks. … When you say ‘radical right’ today, I think of these moneymaking ventures by fellows like Pat Robertson and others who are trying to take the Republican Party away from the Republican Party, and make a religious organization out of it. If that ever happens, kiss politics goodbye." [5]

"You don't have to be straight to be in the military; you just have to be able to shoot straight."[6]

"Mark my word, if and when these preachers get control of the [Republican] party, and they're sure trying to do so, it's going to be a terrible damn problem. Frankly, these people frighten me. Politics and governing demand compromise. But these Christians believe they are acting in the name of God, so they can't and won't compromise. I know, I've tried to deal with them." [7]

 

[eyer]

See how I posted my own stuff and made you look like a bitch?

You seem to hold a special fondness for that word "bitch"...

...why is that, dan z00000?

 

[unregistered]

 

[rosco rathbone]

I see that the GOP is not ready to come clean about the southern strategy and make amends yet.

All the sophistry and dodgy history in the world are not going to bring those minority voters back.

Come clean and make amends.

 

[unregistered]

 

[Sean]

I see that the GOP is not ready to come clean about the southern strategy and make amends yet.

All the sophistry and dodgy history in the world are not going to bring those minority voters back.

Come clean and make amends.

Rewriting history is far more palatable to them. I don't know who they think they're preaching to, though. The only people dumb enough to fall for this revisionist crap already vote R.

 

[cjh]

I think I'll take it straight from the horse's mouth.

It was called "the southern strategy," started under Richard M. Nixon in 1968, and described Republican efforts to use race as a wedge issue -- on matters such as desegregation and busing -- to appeal to white southern voters.

Ken Mehlman, the Republican National Committee chairman, this morning will tell the NAACP national convention in Milwaukee that it was "wrong."

"By the '70s and into the '80s and '90s, the Democratic Party solidified its gains in the African American community, and we Republicans did not effectively reach out," Mehlman says in his prepared text. "Some Republicans gave up on winning the African American vote, looking the other way or trying to benefit politically from racial polarization. I am here today as the Republican chairman to tell you we were wrong."

Mehlman, a Baltimore native who managed President Bush's reelection campaign, goes on to discuss current overtures to minorities, calling it "not healthy for the country for our political parties to be so racially polarized." The party lists century-old outreach efforts in a new feature on its Web site, GOP.com, which was relaunched yesterday with new interactive features and a history section called "Lincoln's Legacy."

Democratic National Committee Chairman Howard Dean spoke to the NAACP yesterday and said through an aide: "It's no coincidence that 43 out of 43 members of the Congressional Black Caucus are Democrats. The Democratic Party is the real party of opportunity for African Americans."

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/07/13/AR2005071302342.html

 

[rosco rathbone]

Because as Pat Buchanan, an author of the strategy, says it's all bullshit.

I know the theory is "hey blacks, any day you're ready to accept personal responsibility and stop relying on handouts, we're here to welcome you with open arms." Good luck with that.

 

[Sean]

Because as Pat Buchanan, an author of the strategy, says it's all bullshit.

This Pat Buchanan?

There were no politics to polarize us then, to magnify every slight. The "negroes" of Washington had their public schools, restaurants, bars, movie houses, playgrounds and churches; and we had ours.
-- Pat Buchanan, when discussing race relations in the 1950s, in Right from the Beginning, Buchanan's 1988 autobiography, quoted from Political Amazon's "Quotes from Hell"

Take a hard look at [KKK leader David] Duke's portfolio of winning issues and expropriate those not in conflict with GOP principles [such as] reverse discrimination against white folks.
-- Pat Buchanan, February 25, 1989, quoted from Political Amazon's "Quotes from Hell"

An across-the-board assault on our Anglo-American heritage.
-- Pat Buchanan, describing multiculturalism, when speaking before the Christian Coalition in 1993, quoted from Political Amazon's "Quotes from Hell"

[Despite Hitler's anti-Semitic and genocidal tendencies, he was] an individual of great courage.... Hitler's success was not based on his extraordinary gifts alone. His genius was an intuitive sense of the mushiness, the character flaws, the weakness masquerading as morality that was in the hearts of the statesmen who stood in his path.
-- Pat Buchanan, in a 1977 column, The Guardian, January 14, 1992, quoted from Political Amazon's "Quotes from Hell"

 

[cjh]

Pat Buchannan: the once-favored candidate of Stormfront.

http://www.stormfront.org/buchanan.htm

 

[rosco rathbone]

The only people dumb enough to fall for this revisionist crap already vote R.

That's the real audience, them and fence-sitting whites who might go either way but who are easily annoyed at the idea that all whites are automatically racist in the eyes of snotty liberals.

 

[unregistered]