Dear Democrats
- Thread starter Rightguide
- Start date
What on Earth are you talking about?
Yes, Pizzagate is going to disappear. Anything that smacks of QAnon is going to disappear.
Some self-loathing white nationalist trapped in an African American woman's body wants to keep those annoying black, hispanic, and poor people from voting, basically. She is basically a washed up C-list celebrity with about as much talent for music as for politics, as in very little.
I would agree that it isn't necessarily bad, in fact probably necessary, to have some kind of valid ID in order to register to vote, but most, if not all, voting jurisdictions already have something like that in place, contrary to what the OP may have us believe.
SgtSpiderMan
Literotica Guru
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This is awesome. So all those high school students doing walk out protests who will be 18 in 2028 can vote using their school ID, right?
There have been RW attempts some places to ban accepting college ID for voting.
Sorry! It will be REAL IDs ONLY!
Why not school ID?Sorry! It will be REAL IDs ONLY!
SgtSpiderMan
Literotica Guru
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That's not what it says. It said people support ID's, not people support REAL ID's.Sorry! It will be REAL IDs ONLY!
Why do you need to move the goalposts suddenly?
You don't even need a REAL ID to get on a plane.
Wanna bet! Starting last Sunday REAL ID REQUIRED TO FLY! or pay an extra 40 bucks during the grace period! Try harder!
YDB95
Hopeless Romantic!
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Heaven knows what their answer will be (and whether or not it'll be comprehensible for that matter), but we both know the real answer: they really, really do not like educated people.
SgtSpiderMan
Literotica Guru
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If there’s an “or” it isn’t required. Why would you need it to vote when you could get on a plane without it?
Holy_Seduction
PrincipledIconoclast
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Voting is still an idiot’s errand.
Greedy_lion
Dominant
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Stupidity and hate. It’s a hell of a combo.
Strange times, when the President sues people for quoting him. Not just Wolff, but international news organizations like the BBC.
Most politicians spend their time trying to get people to pay attention to what they are saying.
2
You are thinking of the word "slander" look it up! He is Sueing for SLANDER and more importantly is he's winning every single one of these lawsuits! SLANDER...say it.
When he makes sure that he brings the case before a judge that he appointed for the sole reason that they said they will always support him, it's not surprising.
The BBC does not broadcast in Florida and he won the next election anyway so there was no loss involved in them playing clips of him saying what he said.
It DOES make a difference who wins.
Holy_Seduction
PrincipledIconoclast
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I take it you mean, a difference IN who wins.
But that isn’t what you mean. Is it. So guess what, Wilson! This is your lucky day. We get to work through that supercilious [more silly than super
] claim. I hope you have a comparatively light work load today.
Since I’ve put some time into this, I’m expecting more than a potshot at one paragraph and serve up that as a ‘reply.’ At the very least, I want a reply to the dynamic running throughout, namely . . .
The US capitalist ruling class operates through two distinct but mutually reinforcing political‑organizational strategies.
One is the overtly authoritarian, nationalist and repressive program associated with the Trump‑aligned faction of the ruling elite. The other is the corporatist, managerial strategy pursued by the Democratic‑party wing and the trade‑union bureaucracy.
Both serve the same objectives—secure conditions for profit extraction, suppress independent working‑class power and reorganize social life to service oligarchic wealth. But they do so using different instruments and methods.
Proletarians must understand both to ready the essential, effective response.
Re: authoritarian‑nationalist domination.
This involves repression, privatization and the politics of force. This faction advances political power through militarized state institutions, expanded executive authority, and appeals to nationalist and social divisions that can be mobilized to discipline the working class.
This includes extension of emergency powers, aggressive policing, and expanded deportations. This is a hard use of state agencies [i.e. DHS and ICE] to remove political opponents and terrorize immigrant workers and the population generally. This political culture normalizes dictatorship, scapegoating and law‑and‑order repression in response to social crisis.
It also includes a drive to privatize and marketize public services like healthcare, education and social welfare, so that social needs are subordinated to corporate profit.
Today’s analysis by Tom Hall on the nurses’ strike directly links this faction’s attacks to a broader drive toward dictatorship and war. Tom observed that healthcare workers have been ‘on the front lines of the ruling class’s war on society’ and that the fight against fascism must be anchored in working‑class social power.
The authoritarian wing aims to break any social resistance by combining ideological demagogy and state repression while sacrificing public health and welfare on the altar of corporate profitability.
Re: corporatist managerial domination.
This involves containment, class collaboration and union integration. This faction acts through institutionalized forms of control including the Democratic Party, large sections of the union bureaucracy, and managerial‑technocratic alliances.
This includes containing struggles through negotiation, legalism and a few, very limited concessions while preserving all corporate prerogatives and state power. Served up as ‘partnership’ or pragmatic moderation, this faction acts to neutralize mass movements.
This faction integrates union bureaucracies into corporate‑state network as dues, pensions and institutional ties enforce a politics of compromise while blocking politically independent action by workers.
This faction manages class conflict by channeling it into electoral politics or grievance procedures, preserving capitalist rule by diminishing workplace power and feigns that worker defeat is historic reform.
Marc Wells’ piece on the Univ of California and other labor struggles last November shows union leaders repeatedly betraying or restricting struggles, cutting strikes short, splitting ranks and negotiating sellouts that protect bureaucratic interests. The strategy of union apparatus as a mediating device to keep the working class subordinated to bourgeois politics is seen here and globally.
These strategies are interrelated and mutually reinforcing. The factions are not isolated rivals; they form a single class strategy in which each serves the other in crucial ways to defend the rule of Capital.
The authoritarian faction creates a climate of fear, deregulation and emergency politics that legitimizes deeper attacks on living standards; the corporatist faction then administers those attacks in calmer clothing [through ‘collective bargaining,’ austerity packages, and electoral accommodation] in order to thwart a unified, politically independent working‑class response.
Each faction limits the other’s political risks. As mass resistance threatens to escalate, unions and the Democrats act to contain; as electoral legitimacy wanes, the authoritarian wing punishes with direct and brutal control.
Together they offer workers a false choice of repression or benign management; neither of which challenges capitalist property relations.
Both parts of this dual strategy are rooted in capitalism’s underlying contradiction: the social production of wealth by the many and its private appropriation by a tiny financial‑corporate oligarchy.
In crisis periods, this contradiction produces intensified class conflict; the ruling class responds with a two‑pronged strategy—force and integration—to defend profits and the state structures that sustain them.
As a 2018 Socialist Equality Party Resolution on resurgent class struggle stresses, trade unions are ‘the enforcers of big business demands,’ while capitalist parties prepare to crush opposition, exposing the material basis for both factions.
A simultaneous threat of police‑state repression and bureaucratic containment means workers cannot rely on unions or on either bourgeois party to defend them. They must build independent, rank-and-file workplace committees as organs of class power, linked nationally and internationally.
Strikes and protests must be politically unified and escalated to build social power to a point of capacity for coordinating an essential general strike. The International Workers Alliance of Rank‑and‑File Committees (IWA‑RFC) exists to coordinate such action and break the bureaucracy grip.
Have a good one!
But that isn’t what you mean. Is it. So guess what, Wilson! This is your lucky day. We get to work through that supercilious [more silly than super
] claim. I hope you have a comparatively light work load today.Since I’ve put some time into this, I’m expecting more than a potshot at one paragraph and serve up that as a ‘reply.’ At the very least, I want a reply to the dynamic running throughout, namely . . .
The US capitalist ruling class operates through two distinct but mutually reinforcing political‑organizational strategies.
One is the overtly authoritarian, nationalist and repressive program associated with the Trump‑aligned faction of the ruling elite. The other is the corporatist, managerial strategy pursued by the Democratic‑party wing and the trade‑union bureaucracy.
Both serve the same objectives—secure conditions for profit extraction, suppress independent working‑class power and reorganize social life to service oligarchic wealth. But they do so using different instruments and methods.
Proletarians must understand both to ready the essential, effective response.
Re: authoritarian‑nationalist domination.
This involves repression, privatization and the politics of force. This faction advances political power through militarized state institutions, expanded executive authority, and appeals to nationalist and social divisions that can be mobilized to discipline the working class.
This includes extension of emergency powers, aggressive policing, and expanded deportations. This is a hard use of state agencies [i.e. DHS and ICE] to remove political opponents and terrorize immigrant workers and the population generally. This political culture normalizes dictatorship, scapegoating and law‑and‑order repression in response to social crisis.
It also includes a drive to privatize and marketize public services like healthcare, education and social welfare, so that social needs are subordinated to corporate profit.
Today’s analysis by Tom Hall on the nurses’ strike directly links this faction’s attacks to a broader drive toward dictatorship and war. Tom observed that healthcare workers have been ‘on the front lines of the ruling class’s war on society’ and that the fight against fascism must be anchored in working‑class social power.
The authoritarian wing aims to break any social resistance by combining ideological demagogy and state repression while sacrificing public health and welfare on the altar of corporate profitability.
Re: corporatist managerial domination.
This involves containment, class collaboration and union integration. This faction acts through institutionalized forms of control including the Democratic Party, large sections of the union bureaucracy, and managerial‑technocratic alliances.
This includes containing struggles through negotiation, legalism and a few, very limited concessions while preserving all corporate prerogatives and state power. Served up as ‘partnership’ or pragmatic moderation, this faction acts to neutralize mass movements.
This faction integrates union bureaucracies into corporate‑state network as dues, pensions and institutional ties enforce a politics of compromise while blocking politically independent action by workers.
This faction manages class conflict by channeling it into electoral politics or grievance procedures, preserving capitalist rule by diminishing workplace power and feigns that worker defeat is historic reform.
Marc Wells’ piece on the Univ of California and other labor struggles last November shows union leaders repeatedly betraying or restricting struggles, cutting strikes short, splitting ranks and negotiating sellouts that protect bureaucratic interests. The strategy of union apparatus as a mediating device to keep the working class subordinated to bourgeois politics is seen here and globally.
These strategies are interrelated and mutually reinforcing. The factions are not isolated rivals; they form a single class strategy in which each serves the other in crucial ways to defend the rule of Capital.
The authoritarian faction creates a climate of fear, deregulation and emergency politics that legitimizes deeper attacks on living standards; the corporatist faction then administers those attacks in calmer clothing [through ‘collective bargaining,’ austerity packages, and electoral accommodation] in order to thwart a unified, politically independent working‑class response.
Each faction limits the other’s political risks. As mass resistance threatens to escalate, unions and the Democrats act to contain; as electoral legitimacy wanes, the authoritarian wing punishes with direct and brutal control.
Together they offer workers a false choice of repression or benign management; neither of which challenges capitalist property relations.
Both parts of this dual strategy are rooted in capitalism’s underlying contradiction: the social production of wealth by the many and its private appropriation by a tiny financial‑corporate oligarchy.
In crisis periods, this contradiction produces intensified class conflict; the ruling class responds with a two‑pronged strategy—force and integration—to defend profits and the state structures that sustain them.
As a 2018 Socialist Equality Party Resolution on resurgent class struggle stresses, trade unions are ‘the enforcers of big business demands,’ while capitalist parties prepare to crush opposition, exposing the material basis for both factions.
A simultaneous threat of police‑state repression and bureaucratic containment means workers cannot rely on unions or on either bourgeois party to defend them. They must build independent, rank-and-file workplace committees as organs of class power, linked nationally and internationally.
Strikes and protests must be politically unified and escalated to build social power to a point of capacity for coordinating an essential general strike. The International Workers Alliance of Rank‑and‑File Committees (IWA‑RFC) exists to coordinate such action and break the bureaucracy grip.
Have a good one!
Rightguide
Prof Triggernometry
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- Feb 7, 2017
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National elections have federal rules.
ll74
Your Best Friend
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Yep
This isn't needed.
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