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What Liberal Internationalists Don’t Understand About Iraq
They say that there’s only a political solution. They’re wrong.
Matthew Continetti, NRO
JUNE 28, 2014
http://www.nationalreview.com/node/381434/print
They say that there’s only a political solution. They’re wrong.
Matthew Continetti, NRO
JUNE 28, 2014
The situation on the ground: Iraq in flames. The black flag of al-Qaeda over Sunni-majority cities, Shiite militias cleansing Baghdad neighborhoods of other sects and ethnicities, car and suicide bombs exploding daily, the government of Nouri al-Maliki looking insolent and ineffective, the Kurds hinting at independence. Civil war. Iranian meddling. American defeat.
I’m not talking about today. I’m talking about 2006. Then, too, liberal internationalists had the following prescription: America can’t solve Iraq’s problems. A major diplomatic initiative, involving the entire region, might persuade Maliki to be inclusive. There is no military solution in Iraq — just a political one.
“We cannot save the Iraqis from themselves,” Carl Levin said in November 2006. “We’ve been told repeatedly by our top uniformed military leaders that there is no purely military solution in Iraq; there is only a political solution in Iraq.” The Baker-Hamilton Commission, in its December 2006 report, agreed. As America withdrew, it said, “The United States should immediately launch a new diplomatic offensive to build an international consensus for stability in Iraq and the region.”
But President Bush dissented. He understood that the advocates for American withdrawal had reversed the equation. Political settlements are not the cause of peace. They are the result of peace brought about by military means. So Bush ordered a surge of troops, and a shift to counterinsurgency, to defeat al-Qaeda in Iraq and bring security to Baghdad.
After a year of tough fighting, al-Qaeda was on the run, the Iraqi capital was pacified, and American and Iraqi casualties began a long decline, giving Maliki the freedom to take on Shiite militias in the battle of Basra in the spring of 2008, and allowing U.S. forces to draw down from post-surge highs.
It is one of the oldest tenets of modernity: The state must establish a monopoly on violence before civil society can develop and politics can thrive. Read your Hobbes: “And covenants, without the sword, are but words and of no strength to secure a man at all.” Or read the Founders, who, in both the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, argued that rights had to be secured before they could be exercised. Power precedes politics.
Something liberals too easily forget. Raised in material abundance, groomed in institutions of higher education, living and working in safe city precincts, liberals are susceptible to the mirror-image fallacy: the belief that, at the end of the day, all human beings are basically alike, basically good, and basically want the same things liberals want — autonomy, diversity, peace, H&M, inexpensive yoga classes, outdoor brunch.
Which leads them to suppose that international politics operates in the same way as domestic politics, through consultation, debate, negotiation, pleading, trading, log-rolling, and compromise.
If only it were so. The affluent societies of the West may be at peace, but the rest of the world remains a Hobbesian environment where there is no monopoly on violence, no global Leviathan. And where there is no overwhelming and dominant power, where there is no deterring balance among equals, there is war.
Consider:
http://www.nationalreview.com/node/381434/print