Leak provides revelations about the RW "American Legislative Exchange Council"

KingOrfeo

Literotica Guru
Joined
Jul 27, 2008
Posts
39,182
Leak provides revelations about the RW "American Legislative Exchange Council"

From the Los Angeles Times:

State legislative bills raise conservative group's profile

The nonprofit American Legislative Exchange Council, or ALEC, made up of conservative state lawmakers and corporate executives, crafted the language that has resulted in similar legislation in several states. Watchdog groups are scrutinizing the organization's practices.

July 13, 2011|By Tom Hamburger and Neela Banerjee, Washington Bureau

In late January, the Indiana House of Representatives adopted a resolution asking Congress to compel the Environmental Protection Agency to stop regulating carbon emissions, declaring that "EPA over-regulation is driving jobs and industry out of America." Almost identical resolutions have won at least partial approval in a dozen other states, from Virginia to Michigan to Wyoming.

And it's no coincidence that the language of these resolutions is similar, describing EPA's plans to curb air pollution as a "train wreck" that will harm the economy.

In each case, the basic text of the resolutions sprang not from state capitols but from a relatively little-known, Washington-based nonprofit group called the American Legislative Exchange Council, or ALEC. Composed of more than 1,500 conservative state legislators and executives of some of the nation's biggest corporations, ALEC collects millions of dollars in corporate contributions to generate a steady stream of bills and resolutions for state action.

Topics include reducing government regulation, privatizing government services and requiring voters to show proof of identity at polling places.

On Wednesday, a Wisconsin-based liberal activist group, the Center for Media and Democracy, released thousands of pages of internal ALEC documents, including model bills, emails and details of the organization's internal procedures, which give private-sector representatives a major role in drafting proposed legislation.

"Dozens of corporations are paying millions of dollars a year to write business-friendly legislation that is becoming law in statehouses from coast to coast," said Bob Edgar, a former Democratic congressman from Pennsylvania who is currently president of Common Cause, the government watchdog group.

Common Cause plans to challenge ALEC's nonprofit status, arguing that it spends most of its resources lobbying, in violation of the rules governing nonprofit organizations.

ALEC spokeswoman Raegan Weber denied the accusation, saying, "ALEC does not lobby. We employ no lobbyists." And she made the case that having legislators meet with private-sector officials is good for democracy: "Legislators should hear from those the government intends to regulate."

Left-leaning labor and other groups have their own advocacy organizations. Activists on the left, however, contend that ALEC stands out because it is focused on bringing together legislators and private-sector leaders to draft proposals for state action.

Weber countered that although any member can suggest a bill for consideration, the organization requires final approval from a board consisting only of legislators.

ALEC was formed in the mid-1970s by conservative activist Paul Weyrich and others as a way of influencing state regulatory and legislative decisions. The new ALEC documents reveal that corporations — including Coca-Cola and Koch Industries — pay thousands of dollars annually for ALEC membership and to participate in meetings with state legislators.

The group reported receiving $6.3 million in revenue in 2009, according to IRS forms provided by the Center for Media and Democracy, with only a sliver from legislators' dues. Weber said that most of the money was raised at the annual meetings where lawmakers and executives meet to discuss issues to target.

"I think you see legislators responding to what is presented at their annual, spring and fall meetings each year," said Adam Schafer, executive director of the National Caucus of Environmental Legislators, an association of moderate and liberal lawmakers. Schafer attended ALEC's meetings last year.

"Whatever they target at those meetings likely will get attention. At last year's meetings there was a lot of 'education' on EPA's greenhouse gas regulations, which I think motivates legislators to act," he said.

Legislators from every state are members of ALEC, many of them top GOP officials who champion the group's causes.

The Indiana bill, for example, was introduced by Republican state Rep. David Wolkins, who is co-chair of ALEC's Energy, Environment and Agriculture Task Force. In Virginia, state Delegate James W. "Will" Morefield said he took the EPA resolution verbatim from the ALEC website after it had been presented to him by the coal industry, according to the Virginian-Pilot newspaper.

Environmentalists believe that ALEC, working with other conservative groups such as Americans for Prosperity, has led an aggressive push to dismantle regional climate agreements. In past months, legislators in Montana, New Mexico, Oregon and Washington introduced legislation with nearly identical language demanding their states pull out of the Western Climate Initiative, which focuses on fighting global warming.

The model text they used is an ALEC document called State Withdrawal from Regional Climate Initiatives.

Lawmakers in Iowa, Michigan and New Hampshire took similar steps to abandon their regional accords. In some states, the bills did not muster enough votes, and in New Hampshire, the governor vetoed a bill that passed both houses. Weber said ALEC would continue working on this initiative.

ALEC has clout not only because it has a grass-roots network but because it has more than 300 corporations as members. The organizations pay wide-ranging dues and make substantial campaign contributions to state races.

Common Cause calculated that 22 of ALEC's key member companies had contributed more than $317 million to state election campaigns over the last decade.

Documents released Wednesday show that ALEC considers private-sector representatives to be "an equal partner" in the organization's task forces.
 
From The Nation:

ALEC Exposed
John Nichols
July 12, 2011 | This article appeared in the August 1-8, 2011 edition of The Nation.

“Never has the time been so right,” Louisiana State Representative Noble Ellington told conservative legislators gathered in Washington to plan the radical remaking of policies in the states. It was one month after the 2010 midterm elections. Republicans had grabbed 680 legislative seats and secured a power trifecta—control of both legislative chambers and the governorship—in twenty-one states. Ellington was speaking for hundreds of attendees at a “States and Nation Policy Summit,” featuring GOP stars like Texas Governor Rick Perry, former House Speaker Newt Gingrich and House Majority Leader Eric Cantor. Convened by the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC)—“the nation’s largest, non-partisan, individual public-private membership association of state legislators,” as the spin-savvy group describes itself—the meeting did not intend to draw up an agenda for the upcoming legislative session. That had already been done by ALEC’s elite task forces of lawmakers and corporate representatives. The new legislators were there to grab their weapons: carefully crafted model bills seeking to impose a one-size-fits-all agenda on the states.

Founded in 1973 by Paul Weyrich and other conservative activists frustrated by recent electoral setbacks, ALEC is a critical arm of the right-wing network of policy shops that, with infusions of corporate cash, has evolved to shape American politics. Inspired by Milton Friedman’s call for conservatives to “develop alternatives to existing policies [and] keep them alive and available,” ALEC’s model legislation reflects long-term goals: downsizing government, removing regulations on corporations and making it harder to hold the economically and politically powerful to account. Corporate donors retain veto power over the language, which is developed by the secretive task forces. The task forces cover issues from education to health policy. ALEC’s priorities for the 2011 session included bills to privatize education, break unions, deregulate major industries, pass voter ID laws and more. In states across the country they succeeded, with stacks of new laws signed by GOP governors like Ohio’s John Kasich and Wisconsin’s Scott Walker, both ALEC alums.

The details of ALEC’s model bills have been available only to the group’s 2,000 legislative and 300 corporate members. But thanks to a leak to Aliya Rahman, an Ohio-based activist who helped organize protests at ALEC’s Spring Task Force meeting in Cincinnati, The Nation has obtained more than 800 documents representing decades of model legislation. Teaming up with the Center for Media and Democracy, The Nation asked policy experts to analyze this never-before-seen archive.

The articles that follow are the first products of that examination. They provide an inside view of the priorities of ALEC’s corporate board and billionaire benefactors (including Tea Party funders Charles and David Koch). “Dozens of corporations are investing millions of dollars a year to write business-friendly legislation that is being made into law in statehouses coast to coast, with no regard for the public interest,” says Bob Edgar of Common Cause. “This is proof positive of the depth and scope of the corporate reach into our democratic processes.” The full archive of ALEC documents is available at a new website, alecexposed.org, thanks to the Center for Media and Democracy, which has provided powerful tools for progressives to turn this knowledge into power. The data tell us that the time has come to refocus on the battle to loosen the grip of corporate America and renew democracy in the states.
 
From SourceWatch:

The American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) describes itself as the largest “membership association of state legislators,” but over 98% of its revenue comes from sources other than legislative dues, primarily from corporations and corporate foundations.[1] After the 2010 congressional midterm elections, ALEC boasted that “among those who won their elections, three of the four former state legislators newly-elected to the U.S. Senate are ALEC Alumni and 27 of the 42 former state legislators newly-elected to the U.S. House are ALEC Alumni.” (A full list of the Congressional freshmen who are ALEC alums can be found here.) [2]

ALEC is not a lobby; it is not a front group. It is much more powerful than that. Through ALEC, behind closed doors, corporations hand state legislators the changes to the law they desire that directly benefit their bottom line. Along with legislators, corporations have membership in ALEC. Corporations sit on all nine ALEC task forces and vote with legislators to approve “model” bills. They have their own corporate governing board which meets jointly with the legislative board. (ALEC says that corporations do not vote on the board.) They fund almost all of ALEC's operations. Participating legislators, overwhelmingly conservative Republicans, then bring those proposals home and introduce them in statehouses across the land as their own brilliant ideas and important public policy innovations—without disclosing that corporations crafted and voted on the bills. ALEC boasts that it has over 1,000 of these bills introduced by legislative members every year, with one in every five of them enacted into law. ALEC describes itself as a “unique,” “unparalleled” and “unmatched” organization. It might be right. It is as if a state legislature had been reconstituted, yet corporations had pushed the people out the door. Learn more at ALECexposed.org.

ALEC’s agenda extends into almost all areas of law. Its bills undermine environmental regulations and deny climate change; support school privatization; undercut health care reform; defund unions and limit their political influence; restrain legislatures’ abilities to raise revenue through taxes; mandate strict election laws that disenfranchise voters; increase incarceration to benefit the private prison industry, among many other issues. [3]

<snip>

ALEC Funding

An in-depth discussion of ALEC funding by corporations and corporate foundations and ALEC’s spending is available here

<snip>

Corporate Members

Here is a list of corporations that are on ALEC’s board or have been involved. Corporations pay between $7,000 and $25,000 a year for membership in ALEC. Corporate membership in one of the nine ALEC task forces (or subcommittees) has separate and additional fees:[4]

* $2,500 purchases membership in one of the following:
o Commerce, Insurance and Economic Development Task Force
o Education Task Force
o Public Safety and Elections Task Force
* $3,000 purchases membership in one of the following:
o Health & Human Services Task Force
o Natural Resources Task Force
o Tax & Fiscal Policy Task Force
* $5,000 purchases membership in one of the following:
o Telecommunications and Information Technology Task Force
* $10,000 purchases membership in the
o International Relations Task Force

ALEC corporations can donate additional funds beyond these amounts. According to ALEC’s by-laws, corporations also work with ALEC legislators who are its “state chairmen” to raise money from other corporations for “scholarships” for legislators to attend ALEC events.

According to Dennis Bartlett, an ALEC task force head who is also the executive director of the American Bail Coalition, “the organization is supported by money from the corporate sector, and, by paying to be members, corporations are allowed the opportunity to sit down at the table and discuss the issues that they have an interest in.” [5]

Corporations can sponsor annual ALEC conferences, offer grants for specific projects, or just give ALEC money. For example, in 2005 ExxonMobil spent $90,000 sponsoring the ALEC 2005 annual conference, gave $80,000 towards the “Energy Sustainability Project,” and an additional $71,500 for “general operating support.”[6] ExxonMobil or its foundation has given over $1.4 million to ALEC in the past decade or so, according to the Form 990s filed by the ExxonMobil Foundation and other corporate documents, compiled by the Greenpeace project "Exxon Secrets."[7]

Trade Associations and Foundations

Corporate trade groups and other non-profit groups also make donations to ALEC of undisclosed sums. Examples include the NRA, the American Bail Association, and the American Petroleum Institute. There are also others listed here.

Additionally, ALEC has received millions from right-wing foundations created by corporate CEOs or their heirs over the years and which advance a corporate agenda through donations. Here are some of the foundations that are or have been donors to ALEC:

* The Charles G. Koch Foundation and Claude R. Lambe Foundation-- both are Koch Family Foundations that Charles Koch is centrally involved in. Charles Koch is the CEO of Koch Industries, the "largest privately owned energy company in the nation."[8] Other groups it has funded include the Cato Institute, Heritage Foundation, the Institute for Humane Studies, the Heartland Institute and the National Taxpayers Union Foundation. The Koch Associate program of the Charles G. Koch Foundation also provides ALEC and other groups with “Koch Interns” and “Koch Fellows.” Some Koch Fellows go on to become ALEC staffers, such as Jonathan Williams, Director of ALEC's Tax and Fiscal Policy Task Force. Research from CMD and Greenpeace documents that the Koch foundations have given ALEC at least $600,000 in the past decade or so, and Koch Industries has donated an untold amount.

* Allegheny Foundation – This is one of the Scaife Foundations, which have been heavily involved in financing right-wing causes supported by billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife, whose wealth was inherited from the Mellon industrial, oil, uranium and banking fortune. Other groups it has funded include the Heritage Institute and the Free Congress Foundation.[9]

* Castle Rock Foundation -- Founded in 1993 with a $36.6 million endowment from the Adolph Coors Foundation (which was in turn founded in 1975 with funds from Adolph Coors, Jr., the son of the founder of the Coors Brewing Company).[10] Other groups it has funded include the Americans for Prosperity Foundation, the Heritage Foundation, the Cato Institute and the National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation, among others.[11]

* JM Foundation -- Founded in 1924 by Jeremiah Milbank. [12] Other groups it has funded include the Americans for Prosperity Foundation, the Cato Institute, FreedomWorks and the Heritage Foundation.

* Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation -- Founded in 1942 as the Allen-Bradley Foundation, its "overall objective... is to return the U.S.-- and the world-- to the days before governments began to regulate Big Business, before corporations were forced to make concessions to an organized labor force."[13] Other groups it has funded include the American Conservative Union Foundation, the Americans for Prosperity Foundation, the Cato Institute, the Competitive Enterprise Institute, Focus on the Family and Freedom Works.[14]

* John M. Olin Foundation -- Founded in 1953 by John Merrill Olin, a chemical and munitions inventor and industrialist, the foundation closed down in 2005. It has funded ALEC and other right-wing groups such as the American Enterprise Institute, the Heritage Foundation, the Manhattan Institute for Public Policy Research and the Hoover Institute on War, Revolution and Peace.[15]

Membership

ALEC claims its membership includes around 2,000 state legislators (“Public Sector Members”) and 300 corporate and corporate representatives (“Private Enterprise Members”). [16]

“Public Sector Members”

Elected legislators can join ALEC by paying a token fee of $50 a year. [17]

While the membership fee for legislators is nominal, some legislators have used taxpayer dollars to pay it. For example, in Wisconsin, open records requests revealed that 12 senators, all Republicans, had their ALEC membership dues paid by taxpayer funds.[18]

ALEC does not release the identities of its over legislative members. Some legislators tout their role in ALEC while others take a lower profile with ALEC. The Daily Kos blogger project, called Exposing ALEC, has been compiling a ALEC legislative member list, past and present, here.

ALEC’s legislative board, legislative task force co-chairs, and legislative state co-chairs are almost all from the same political party. The legislators on the Board of Directors, as of June 6, 2011, are all Republican (see here). Only one person out of a little more than 100 in these roles appears to be a Democrat, as of July 2011.

ALEC Task Forces

ALEC model legislation is introduced in, and initially approved by, one of nine “task forces,” which are chaired by both elected officials and “private sector” corporate members. [19] ALEC corportions are often represented by their lobbyists on ALEC’s board or task forces, and their representatives discuss and vote on legislation with legislators.[20] For example, according to the American Association for Justice, in the area of “tort reform” legislation, “the nuts and bolts of . . . crafting legislation is done by large corporate defense firm Shook, Hardy & Bacon,” which has defended tobacco companies and other corporations against lawsuits.[21] The law firm’s partner, Victor Schwartz is a long-time co-chair of ALEC’s “civil justice” task force.

The task forces as of 2011 are: [22] * Civil Justice Task Force; * Commerce, Insurance, & Economic Development Task Force; * Education Task Force; * Energy, Environment, Natural Resources & Agriculture Task Force; * Health & Human Services Task Force; * International Relations Task Force; * Public Safety & Elections Task Force * Tax & Fiscal Policy Task Force; * Telecommunications & Information Technology Task Force <ALEC website>

The ALEC corporate and politician boards of directors meet jointly annually at a meeting that constitutes the final say over the bills and other matters for the organization. (ALEC says corporations do not vote at that meeting.)

Secrecy and Lobbying

Under ALEC’s published by-laws, legislators who are ALEC “state chairmen” have a “duty” to get the model bills introduced in their state legislatures. However, when ALEC legislation is introduced in state houses, it is under the name of the sponsoring legislator rather than ALEC itself, with no mention that the bill was pre-voted on by corporations through ALEC or even connecting the bill to ALEC. The task forces obscure how “corporations [get] access and influence for which they'd otherwise be publicly scrutinized." [23]

NPR reported that "much about ALEC is private. It does not disclose how it spends it money or who gives it to them. ALEC rarely grants interviews. [Senior Director of Policy Michael] Bowman won't even say which legislators are members. Is it lobbying when private corporations pay money to sit in a room with state lawmakers to draft legislation that they then introduce back home? Bowman, a former lobbyist, says, "No, because we're not advocating any positions. We don't tell members to take these bills. We just expose best practices. All we're really doing is developing policies that are in model bill form." [24]

The American Prospect quoted "someone familiar with the organization" of ALEC as saying, "The totality of what they do is lobby. It's a self-sustaining con game." ALEC, however, denied the charge. ALEC’s then spokesman Bob Adams (who now runs and is the only employee of the front group “League of American Voters” CHECK) insisted, "We don't lobby... We don't introduce legislation at the state level. We just don't do that."[25]

In 2009, however, reporters discovered that Shook, Hardy and Bacon attorneys Mark Behrens and Corey Schaecher traveled to North Dakota to speak with legislators and their staff about ALEC’s asbestos bill, called the “Innocent Successor Liability Act,” without registering as lobbyists. At least three days after Schaecher was known to have been lobbying legislators, the ALEC asbestos liability bill was introduce on January 15 as HB 1430. The “North Decoder” blog revealed their lobbying activities on January 23, 2009; within hours, ALEC submitted letters of authorization permitting Behrens and Schaecher to lobby on their behalf, the same day the corporation most likely to benefit the legislation, Crown, Cork, and Seal, also registered the two as lobbyists. On January 27, Behrens testified before the North Dakota House Judiciary Committee in support of the legislation, and the following day, ALEC threw a party for legislators so they could “learn more about America’s premier legislative organization.” [26] According to the National Institute on Money in State Politics, this is the only instance in which ALEC has ever registered to lobby in any state. [27] In its 2009 IRS Form 990, in response to the question “Did the organization participate in lobbying activities” (page 3 question 4), ALEC replied “no.” [28]

Conferences

ALEC holds three primary meetings each year: the “Spring Task Force Summit” meeting of ALEC Task Force members, the four-day “Annual Meeting” in the summer for all ALEC members, and the three-day “States and Nation Policy Summit” that “introduces the ALEC agenda to newly elected and freshman state legislators.” [29] [30] In the ALEC brochure advertising corporate membership, it describes these three gatherings as “meetings and networking opportunities.”

Defenders of Wildlife (DOW) and the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) pointed out in their 2002 report on ALEC that for legislators, one of the chief benefits of ALEC membership is the opportunity to take at least one subsidized or all-expenses-paid trip that looks a lot like a vacation.[31]

The conferences are held in cities across the country, often at high-end hotels. ALEC’s 2010 annual meeting, for example, was held in San Diego at the Manchester Grand Hyatt resort; the 2011 summer meeting is at a post New Orleans Marriott in the French Quarter. Legislators are encouraged to bring their spouses and families, and can pay a $250 fee for their six-month old child or teen to participate in babysitting program called “Kids Congress.” ALEC’s 2009 IRS Form 990 indicates over $250,000 was spent on childcare. [32]

Unlike for the United States Congress, most state-level legislators in the nation are part-time, and many state legislatures meet for only part of the year. The average annual salary for state legislators is $45, 880, ranging from a low of $19,260 (in New Hampshire) to a high of $78,500 (in New York).[33]

In Wisconsin, where the Center for Media and Democracy is located, the total compensation for state legislators is $49,943.[34] According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, base compensation is $19,860 as of May, 2010. [35] Like many states, the Wisconsin Senate and Assembly are not in session year-round, and so many legislators supplement their state salary with other part-time earnings.[36]

For a Wisconsin legislator, the costs of attending an ALEC conference at a resort could be more than five percent of that legislator's state salary. Those expenses, though, are sometimes paid for with taxpayer dollars, or reimbursed by ALEC's corporate-funded coffers.

An examination of financial disclosure forms filed in 1999 and 2000, for example, showed that taxpayers footed the bill for at least $3 million each year in connection with legislators’ travel to ALEC-sponsored meetings.[37] According to NRDC, “that means each year a significant amount of taxpayer money is helping ALEC do its business, which is predominantly aimed at advancing corporate special interests.[38]

An untold number of state lawmakers accept “scholarships” from the corporate-funded ALEC, or in some cases, directly from corporate lobbyists.[39] Without that “scholarship,” attending an ALEC conference could be a vacation the legislator might not otherwise be able to afford. Some states, especially in the South and West, have written explicit exceptions into state ethics laws to permit legislators to accept “scholarships” from ALEC. NPR reported that looking at Arizona's legislators who attended the ALEC conference, no one declared receiving gifts. "Sen. Pearce and a dozen others wrote that they received a gift of $500 or more from ALEC. A review of the two dozen states now considering Arizona's immigration law shows many of those pushing similar legislation across the country are ALEC members. In fact, five of those legislators were in the hotel conference room with the Corrections Corporation of America the day the [immigration] model bill was written. The prison company didn't have to file a lobbying report or disclose any gifts to legislators. They don't even have to tell anyone they were there. All they have to do is pay their ALEC dues and show up."[40] ALEC’s website claims that in each legislative cycle, its members introduce around 1000 pieces of legislation based on ALEC bills, with roughly 18% enacted into law.
 
One of many examples of where Republicans take something good, break the rules, (and maybe, the law.)
and twist it into something it was never intended to be.
 
Some people think that the EPA is going overboard. Is that news?

Are you suggesting that people can't put money together to try to influence government rules that they disagree with? In general, all the wacky liberals seem to be much better organized into advocacy groups than conservative causes. Are you suggesting that organizing into advocacy groups for conservative causes be illegal in the spirit of political correctness?
 
Some people think that the EPA is going overboard. Is that news?

Are you suggesting that people can't put money together to try to influence government rules that they disagree with? In general, all the wacky liberals seem to be much better organized into advocacy groups than conservative causes. Are you suggesting that organizing into advocacy groups for conservative causes be illegal in the spirit of political correctness?

You managed to hit all the correct buzzwords in one paragraph, and still not say anything of substance... good job!
 
One of many examples of where Republicans take something good, break the rules, (and maybe, the law.)
and twist it into something it was never intended to be.

Like the present administration did with operation gunrunner?
 
In general, all the wacky liberals seem to be much better organized into advocacy groups than conservative causes.

Perhaps, to the ignorant or to David Horowitz, they seem to be; this expose of ALEC dispels that illusion.
 
Some people think that the EPA is going overboard. Is that news?

It would be news if that opinion where shared by really significant numbers of Americans who are not corporate CEOs. And, when you look close, it ain't.
 
Back
Top